24 December 2013

Identity Arbitrage

'Dissenting In and Dissenting Out' by Nancy Leong in (2014) 89 Chicago-Kent Law Review comments that
 The intense legal and social preoccupation with the appearance of diversity and nondiscrimination both reflects and reinforces a process I call “identity capitalism.” Through that process, ingroup individuals and ingroup-dominated institutions derive value from outgroup identity. This process results in the commodification of outgroup identity, with negative consequences for both outgroup members and society. 
Outgroup members actively participate in the process of identity capitalism in various ways. In particular, they leverage their outgroup membership to derive social and economic value for themselves. I call such outgroup participants “identity entrepreneurs.” Identity entrepreneurship is neither inherently good nor inherently bad. Rather, I view identity entrepreneurship as a complicated phenomenon with both positive and negative consequences. 
In this essay, I apply the framework of identity entrepreneurship to the notion of dissent within outgroups. Such dissent can take many forms. Here I examine two. First, I consider how outgroup members can leverage outgroup identity by minimizing outgroup associations — what I call “dissenting in” — by engaging in identity performances and adopting attitudes that distance themselves from the outgroup and associate them more closely with the ingroup. Second, I consider how outgroup members can leverage outgroup identity — what I call “dissenting out” — by engaging in identity performances and adopting attitudes that distance themselves from both the ingroup and the outgroup simultaneously. This theoretical grounding lays the foundation for a future examination of the ways that legal doctrines should treat dissenting in and dissenting out.
In the US another instance of data breach - this one reportedly involving up to 40 million cards via malware on devices at the Target's 1,797 stores - has resulted in litigation in Massachusetts, Florida, Oregon, Washington, California, Illinois and Minnesota. The litigants argue that the retailer failed to notify them of the breach (involving credit card numbers, names, expiration dates and security codes) before it was first reported in the mass media and did not "maintain reasonable security procedures" to prevent the loss.

Pardons and posterity

Auden astutely commented that
History to the defeated, May say Alas but cannot help nor pardon
On reading the news that Alan Turing has at last been posthumously pardoned - effective today - for gross indecency (Section 11 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885) I endorse Andrew Hodges' comment that
Turing suffered appalling treatment 60 years ago and there has been a very well intended and deeply felt campaign to remedy it in some way. Unfortunately, I cannot feel that such a 'pardon' embodies any good legal principle. If anything, it suggests that a sufficiently valuable individual should be above the law which applies to everyone else.
It's far more important that in the 30 years since I brought the story to public attention, LGBT rights movements have succeeded with a complete change in the law – for all. So, for me, this symbolic action adds nothing.
Section 11 of the 1885 Act provided that
Any male person who, in public or private, commits, or is a party to the commission of, or procures or attempts to procure the commission by any male person of, any act of gross indecency with another male person, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and being convicted thereof shall be liable at the discretion of the court to be imprisoned for any term not exceeding two years, with or without hard labour.
Gross indecency was not statutorily defined. The section was applicable irrespective of the ages of the male persons and irrespective of whether the act was committed in public or private, with or without consent.

The section was replaced by section 13 of the Sexual Offences Act 1956, which referred to
an offence for a man to commit an act of gross indecency with another man, whether in public or private, or to be a party to the commission by a man of an act of gross indecency with another man, or to procure the commission by a man of an act of gross indecency with another man.
The offences under s 11/13 were formally abolished altogether by the Sexual Offences Act 2003, with the Sexual Offences Act 1967 having decriminalised homosexual behaviour in private between men over 21.

The British Government has not apologised to or pardoned consenting adults who are still alive and were prosecuted under s 11/13, albeit under the Protection of Freedoms Act 2012 people convicted under ss 12 (buggery) and 13 (gross indecency) of the Sexual Offences Act 1956, s 61 of the Offences against the Person Act 1861 and s 11 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885 can apply to the Home Office to have those convictions formally disregarded. That Act was noted here.

Turing, being dead, couldn't avail himself of that option and neither could other people - such as the late playwright and provocateur Oscar Wilde - who are deceased.  If we're engaging in selective pardons for celebrities we might move on to Mr Wilde … and there are a substantial number of non-celebrities (duly convicted under the law of their time for consensual same sex activity, witchcraft, heresy and so forth) who lack advocates.

The Turing pardon, by royal prerogative, removes from the subject of the pardon, "all pains, penalties and punishments whatsoever that from the same conviction may ensue, but not to eliminate the conviction itself". Turing thus remains convicted under the law that was in effect in 1952 but - nearly 60 years after absconding from the Darwin Hotel - is no longer contained by lawful "pains, penalties and punishments" associated with the conviction.

There's been no concerted move to pardon Australian men who were fined, imprisoned and stigmatised for consensual same-sex activity under the local counterparts of the UK statute.

23 December 2013

Citizenship Stripping

In the UK the Bureau of Investigative Journalism has reported that at least 20 people have had their British citizenship removed by he Home Secretary since May 2010, received such letters, on the basis that she feels they pose a risk to the UK.
Her orders take effect immediately, so the letters’ recipients have lost their citizenship even before they’ve opened the envelope. 
To issue a deprivation of citizenship order, May must believe someone’s presence in the UK is ‘not conducive to the public good’ – usually on suspicion of links to terrorism or extremism. The decision is entirely hers: she requires no judicial approval or any other kind of administrative process in advance.
In nearly every known case, the individual was abroad when the letter was sent. With their citizenship removed they were effectively stranded overseas, unable to return to be present at legal appeals – the only means of fighting their case. ... Where the cases are on national security grounds, appeals are heard in the Special Immigration Appeals Commission (Siac), a tribunal that can hear secret evidence. The appellant often knows only the vaguest outlines of the allegations against them.
The Bureau's item goes on to state that
Now May is believed to be planning a dramatic expansion of her powers to revoke citizenship by rewriting the law so that she can issue orders even where it will make people stateless, which is currently illegal under the British Nationality Act, and even though Britain is a signatory to international treaties aimed at reducing statelessness. 
This would put Britain in uncomfortable company, alongside nations such as Bahrain, which has been criticised by the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights for making dissidents stateless. In the US, the government is banned from removing the nationality of its citizens since a Supreme Court ruling in 1967, when judges ruled the US constitution did not allow for ‘fleeting citizenship, good at the moment it is acquired but subject to destruction by the Government at any time.’ 
By contrast, ‘[T]he current [British] government seems to see being a citizen as just another provisional status that can be taken away if you’re not well-behaved,’ says Dr Helena Wray, an immigration law specialist at Middlesex University. 
Revoking nationality is one of the most significant actions the Home Secretary can take against an individual. A deprivation of citizenship order removes all the protections and rights that go with being a British national, cancelling any passports or travel documents and removing the right to live in the UK, or to get consular help when overseas.  …. 
Under the current law, the only block on the Home Secretary using these powers is that she cannot use the orders if they will make an individual stateless. In practice, this means the orders can only be used against citizens with dual nationality, as they will still hold the nationality of another country. But now, in leaks to the media and parliamentary briefings, the Home Office has signalled its intention to remove this barrier. One suggestion is that May plans to amend the Immigration Bill so she can make people stateless if they have done something ‘seriously prejudicial to the vital interests’ of the country. The law would apply only to those who are naturalised as UK citizens, rather than those who are born British, the reports and other sources suggest. Bella Sankey, policy director of Liberty, said: ‘Stripping your own people of their citizenship is a hallmark of oppressive and desperate regimes. Rendering them stateless is lawless and shortsighted. Where suspicions exist public safety is best served by criminal investigations, not trampling on due process and trashing our reputation on the global stage.’ 
The right to a nationality is enshrined in Article 15 of the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Many of those whose citizenship has been removed by the British Home Secretary have claimed the actions have left them stateless. The Bureau has identified nine cases where people have argued this in court, and Mohamed Sakr’s parents say that although they come from Egypt, their son did not have an Egyptian passport. 
In October, an Iraqi-born man named Hilal al-Jedda won a six-year battle [see 2012 here and 2013 here] to regain his British citizenship when the Supreme Court ruled that he had illegally been made stateless. 
Al-Jedda had been detained by British forces in Iraq for three years on suspicion of planning bomb attacks, but was held in military custody and so was never charged. He has claimed he was physically abused while in custody. 
His Supreme Court victory is one of two times anyone is known to have successfully challenged removal of citizenship on national security grounds. But rather than return al-Jedda’s passport, May signed a new order revoking his nationality, again preventing him from returning to the UK. ... 
Britain is one of 54 signatories to the 1961 UN Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, which prohibits making people stateless. The British government reserved the right to make an exception if someone has done something ‘seriously prejudicial to the vital interests of the state’ – a tougher test than the one the Home Secretary currently uses to remove citizenship. 
Mark Manly, legal coordinator for statelessness at the UNHCR, says: ‘The key words here are ‘seriously’ and ‘vital’. So it’s not just any kind of crime that we’re talking about, but really serious crimes against the core interests of the State. Offences like treason and espionage were what the drafters of the Convention had in mind. If you look at the language of the convention, it’s about conduct – action already taken by the individual.’ …
The law was rewritten in 2005-06 so the Home Secretary could act if it was believed that an individual’s presence in the UK is ‘not conducive to the public good’ – meaning she can act based on what someone might do, rather than something they have done. …
When questioned about its citizenship-stripping programme, the Home Office often responds with a boilerplate phrase: ‘Citizenship is a privilege, not a right.’
There is a useful discussion of citizenship stripping or denationalisation in 'Should citizenship be conditional? The Ethics of Denationalisation' by Matthew Gibney in (2013) 75(3) The Journal of Politics 646–658

Google's online pain in Spain

Posts in this blog and other writing (e.g. here) have noted increasingly expressions of discontent by European privacy regulators about Google and Facebook.

This week the Agencia Española de Protección de Datos (AEPD) - the Spanish Data Protection Agency - has imposed an aggregate €900,000 penalty on Google after concluding that
  • users were insufficiently informed that Google filtered the content of their emails and files to display advertising and, when it did it, used a terminology that was imprecise, unclear and with generic expressions
  • Google was breaking the law by using data it gathered for purposes that are unspecified and keeping this information for an indefinite time, while sometimes hindering users in their right to erase, access or modify this data.
The AEPD statement [PDF] indicates that
 Google unlawfully collects and processes personal information of both authenticated (those who log in their Google accounts) and non-authenticated users, as well as of those who act as "passive users" because they have not requested Google’s services but access to web pages that include elements managed by the Company. 
As a result, the Agency considers that Google seriously violates the right to the protection of personal data laid down in article 18 of the Spanish Constitution and regulated in the LOPD. 
AEPD’s inspection has demonstrated that Google collects personal information through nearly a hundred of services and products offered in Spain, in many cases not providing adequate information about what data is collected, what data is used for what purposes and without obtaining a valid consent of the data subjects. For example, Google does not inform clearly to users of Gmail that the content of mails and attached files is filtered with the aim to insert tailored advertising. Where Google does inform it uses vague terminology, with generic and unclear expressions that prevent users from knowing what they really mean. It is highly illustrative that in eight pages of its Privacy Policy, Google employs on up to 30 occasions terms such as 'we could', 'may', 'might' or "it is possible". In addition, Google uses highly ambiguous expressions to define the purposes of data processing, such as "improving user’s experience". The result of that approach is an indeterminate and unclear Privacy Policy. The lack of adequate information, particularly about the specific purposes justifying the processing of data, renders meaningless a consent that in order to be valid should be specific and informed. 
On the other hand, Google combines the personal information obtained through the different services or products in order to use it for multiple purposes that are not clearly determined, thus violating the prohibition to use data for purposes other than those for which it was collected. This combination of data across services that allows Google to enrich the personal information it stores, exceeds the reasonable expectations of the average user, who is not aware of the mass and transversal nature of the processing of their data. Acting in this way Google uses a sophisticated technology that exceeds the capacity of the majority of users to make conscious decisions about the use of their personal information so that, in practice, they lose control over it. 
Contrary to the provisions of Spanish law, Google stores and maintains data for periods of time indeterminate or unjustified, thereby contravening the legal mandate to cancel data when it ceases to be necessary for the purpose which determined its collection. The conservation of the data indefinitely, beyond the requirements arising from the purposes alleged at the time of collection, constitutes unlawful data processing. 
Finally, the AEPD concludes that Google hinders - and in some cases prevents - the exercise of the rights of access, rectification, cancellation and opposition. The procedure that citizens have to follow to exercise their rights or to manage their own personal information requires them to access to an undetermined number of web pages, scattered in several links, that are not available for all types of users and, occasionally, with denominations that do not always refer to its real object. The Company itself recognizes that users must run at least seven different processes, and reserves the right to not respond to requests involving "a disproportionate effort".
The Dutch data protection agency reached a similar conclusion last month but as yet has not imposed a penalty; Spain is the first nation to act, with the various regulators taking turns.

22 December 2013

Identity Scanners

'ID scanners in the night-time economy: Social sorting or social order?' (Australian Institute of Criminology Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 466) by Darren Palmer, Ian Warren and Peter Miller [PDF] examines
the rationales for adopting compulsory patron ID scanning as a key method of reducing violence in and around licensed venues in the Victorian regional city of Geelong. Using a mixed methods approach, this paper challenges the popular perception that ID scanning has helped to reduce violence Geelong’s night-time economy. Further, the research identifies several limits in the administration of this technology that potentially undermine patron safety in the night-time economy. 
The authors comment that
Extensive media coverage and public outrage towards extreme cases of violence that lead to serious injury or death, frequently provide the impetus for introducing new and untested methods of enhancing venue security. One example involves the mandatory installation of high-resolution CCTV systems in all licensed venues throughout Victoria to increase patron surveillance and allow for the rapid identification of both perpetrators and victims of violence (Department of Justice 2009; VLRC 2010). However, evidence of the impact of CCTV in preventing, reducing or deterring crime remains equivocal (Wilson & Sutton 2003).
Digital identity authentication systems have similar appeal (Lyon 2009). ID scanning invokes ‘commonplace’ technology (Goold, Loader & Thumala 2010), such as a desktop or laptop computer, a digital camera, a portable scanning device and a hard drive, to automate conventional manual identity screening processes before a patron is granted entry into a venue. With appropriate software, these systems enable door staff to accurately identify and prevent entry to those with a previous record of violence at the venue.
At the point of entry into a licensed venue, a person must produce a driver’s licence or passport, or their fingerprint. An image of the document or biometric identifier is then scanned into a portable computer located at the venue or conveyed to a server operated by the system manufacturer. Most systems also require a digital photograph to be taken when a patron’s identity is first recorded and at each subsequent attempt to enter the venue. The technology then automatically matches the photograph with the person’s identification document or biometric fingerprint. System administrators can then manually adjust an individual’s digital record if they have engaged in any violent behaviour or are evicted from the premises. If a banned person attempts to re-enter the venue, automated matching of the compulsory photograph with the ‘flagged’ identity record enables door staff to readily identify those who should be denied entry.
Variants of this technology have been adopted to manage street offending in crime ‘hot spots’ (Beckett & Herbert 2008; Gibson 2003) and to facilitate penalties for the sale of alcohol to minors in the United States (Cross 2005). As with CCTV, the presence of an ID scanner might deter some patrons from attempting to enter a venue or engaging in violent and disorderly behaviour. Increasingly, data networking can also enable rapid digital information sharing between venue operators, security providers or police, which can assist in the enforcement of patron bans or prohibitions on underage entry into late-night venues.
There are currently few ID scanning systems available on the Australian market. This means it is easier for system developers to ‘share a banned list of troublemakers—whether that listing is local, statewide or national’ (O’Brien & Duff 2011: 4) among all venues employing the same system. Therefore, ID scanners have enormous potential to address ongoing concerns about security and law enforcement arrangements in the night-time economy, given the seemingly pervasive risks of violence in Australian drinking culture (Tomsen 2005).
The research has a strong criminological emphasis, with an emphasis on the need for more research and a disappointingly weak engagement with privacy issues such as those highlighted here and here. The authors comment that -
All but one venue licensee favoured the mandatory use of ID scanners and further data sharing across all ‘high-risk’ venues in the Geelong CBD. Suppliers of this technology, police, security personnel and local council officers endorsed these favourable views subject to minor qualifications.
Benefits of ID scanners
Respondents considered ID scanners to be the centrepiece of several measures under the revised 2007 Accord that sought to proactively ‘do something’ to improve the management of the Geelong night-time economy and reduce both the frequency and brutality of violent confrontations. One licensee indicated most Accord participants initially viewed ID scanners as a contentious policy option. However, their effectiveness at ‘high-risk’ venues could be seen through discernible shifts in patron behaviour after their implementation.
I was apprehensive at first but since I implemented them over two years ago it’s probably been one of the biggest tools that I believe has changed the behaviour of the patrons in our venues (Licensee).
ID scanners were also considered to reduce antisocial behaviour in licensed venues by accurately identifying people with a recorded history of disorderly conduct and ensuring patron bans could be readily enforced. This served two important deterrence functions. First, licensees believed potential troublemakers avoided attempting to enter venues where scanners were deployed. Second, the increased probability of accurate and rapid identification was considered to attract more orderly patrons. Both venue licensees and suppliers considered ID scanners removed ‘anonymity’ and reduced the likelihood that people with a propensity to engage in violence would attend the CBD nightclub precinct.
By removing anonymity, those who are prone to bad behaviour, and not necessarily just because of alcohol...but the fact that they know that they’re not anonymous, it’s pretty much a surety that they are going to be caught, be able to be identified and then caught, so they don’t do it. They’ll go elsewhere (Licensee).
Cost efficiency was significant, as ‘safety is business’ in the night-time economy. Both licensees and system suppliers indicated ID scanners are a low, one-off expense that is easy to install, maintain and upgrade. Most third-party system administrators provide low-cost technical support, software upgrades and data storage facilities. Thus, the technology is considered relatively easy to administer on-site and involves limited financial outlay.
Appearing to do something proactive about violence in the night-time economy, deterrence and cost efficiency were consistently viewed by venue licensees and other Accord participants as countering any perceived limitations of this technology. Commercial imperatives reinforced these themes among suppliers of ID scanning systems. Although one licensee expressed concern that police had placed undue pressure on ‘high-risk’ venue proprietors to implement the technology as a concession to the local liquor industry’s resistance to a proposed 2.00 am lockout at all venues, ID scanners were valued as a visible, deterrent-based and cost-effective measure designed to reduce violence. Only one licensee acknowledged that scanners might not deter drunken patrons engaged in ‘spur of the moment’ confrontations, who are unlikely to consider or care about any potential ramifications from identity-based or CCTV surveillance.
Problems
When questioned further, it became clear that venue licensees, door staff and security personnel were also aware of several anomalies in the use of ID scanners that could impact on, but not override, their potential to reduce violence. During peak times when long queues can lead to patron antagonism, a policy of selective (non)scanning was implemented at most larger venues. Patrons considered to be non-threatening, such as young women, were generally ushered past the scanning unit without undergoing an identity check. Young men who conformed to an accepted risk profile were commonly entered into the system as a matter of course.
Door staff questioned the uneven application of selective non-scanning. In line with recent observations in Edmonton, Canada (Haggerty & Tokar 2012), one door worker indicated this ‘no hands on’ policy undermined the potential for ID scanners to reduce violence. Friends of door and security staff, preferred customers and venue members routinely bypassed the system with no electronic record of their presence (Haggerty & Ericson 2000). One respondent indicated it was difficult to challenge this practice.
[T]he bouncers do let in people that they know, like bikies, really rough people, and those kinds of people can make everyone else feel intimidated…But there [were] always fights. It seemed to always kind of be the same kind of people...Like they kind of just went there for fighting…I don’t think it [a scanner] really makes a difference…I think they are going to do it [fight] anyway because most of the time they are wasted so they are not going to think about ‘the scanners are there, I’m not going to do this’ (Door staff).
While a perceived major benefit of ID scanning is its potential to remove patron anonymity, selective non-scanning undermines this in two ways. As the above quote indicates, it can enable security staff to allow patrons willing to engage in violence to enter licensed venues (Haggerty & Tokar 2012). However, by informally profiling young men deemed to be potential ‘troublemakers’, a considerable proportion of potential victims of violence might remain difficult to identify if their personal details are not entered into these systems (Harcourt 2007). This second issue was not recognised by any key stakeholders interviewed for this study.
All venues are required to display ‘clear signage at the front of the premise explaining that the patrons details were kept for 28 days and then destroyed’ (Licensee). However, door staff indicated there were few protocols for describing the ID scanning policy to concerned patrons. While this was rarely necessary, door staff commonly advised ‘the law’ mandated ID scanners. Concerned patrons could try entering another venue or were advised to contact system administrators during business hours. Concerns were seldom raised about whether this advice undermined a patron’s voluntary consent to having their personal information shared and stored at the venue.
Data retention policies are also adapted from principles developed for CCTV, requiring personal information to be deleted after 30 days. Suppliers indicated various operating procedures and technical protocols were developed in line with both state and federal privacy laws. One biometric system incorporated a complex data encryption system that could only be accessed by third-party administrators and was developed through the use of privacy consultants to ensure compliance with the national privacy principles. However, this system has yet to be incorporated in Geelong.
One ID system supplier questioned the lack of clear regulatory standards regarding the collection and dissemination of personal data. As demand increases for interoperable technology and greater information sharing about banned patrons among venue managers, police and security agencies, there is a need for the development of clear regulatory and data management protocols. Nevertheless, the following quote also highlights that increased regulation may prioritise information privacy over patron safety.
The fact that there are no protocols…leaves the use of these things vulnerable. They have been highly effective and the misuse of one could bring down a lot of good work and that worries me quite a bit. So in terms of is regulation needed for it? Yes. But the problem is when you get regulators involved…they are largely coming from an angle that is myopic and not a balance of what the real objective is; and that is making it safe. And making it safe means there has to be some surrendering of privacy (System Manufacturer).
Licensees favoured the open circulation of information between all Geelong venues and with police to prevent ‘bar hopping’ by flagged or banned individuals. As one venue licensee described:
If you can get it [ID scanning] implemented on a grand scale in the CBD at least it has some sort of impact because if they were to be banned from [one venue]…[unruly patrons] used to be able to walk into any other venue they can. But now it impacts on all the CBD venues so if they’re banned they’re banned everywhere…(Licensee).
However, this study revealed an important paradox associated with information privacy and crime prevention. Victoria Police consistently used information privacy as the standard justification for only providing generalised LGA data rather than the specific locations of reported assaults or basic demographic characteristics of victims and suspects. Local government representatives participating in the development of the November 2007 Accord considered this was the major impediment to the development of meaningful evidence-based policies to combat alcohol-related violence. Prior to calling for more research the authors comment that Despite claims by venue licensees and system suppliers, this study provides limited empirical support for claims alcohol-related assaults in and around Geelong’s late-night venues have declined since the initial pilot of May 2007 and the subsequent mandated use of ID scanners under the revised Liquor Accord. Between May 2007 and May 2008, there was no discernible reduction in either reported assaults (see Figure 2) or emergency department admissions that identify alcohol-consumption as a key variable. Increases in street assaults from July 2008 suggest ID scanners may have produced a displacement effect, but firm conclusions on this point are not possible. This is an example of one of Brown’s (2013) key principles of regulation of crime prevention interventions—they must be effective at preventing crime.
A different picture emerges when these figures are considered in light of key stakeholder interview data. Venue licensees and system managers equate improved business with the erosion of anonymity and deterrence. However, selective non-scanning has significant potential to undermine these key benefits. Door staff indicated this form of profiling had not reduced violence at some Geelong venues. More problematically, the inability to rapidly identify a significant proportion of potential crime victims is a recognised by-product of selective profiling (Harcourt 2007). Selectively targeting potentially ‘troublesome’ young men allows certain individuals or groups to remain anonymous and potentially less readily identified if a victim or offender. This generates a rather skewed ‘surveillant assemblage’ (Haggerty & Ericson 2000: 619) that is difficult for those who are proactively targeted to contest.
However, ID scanners have considerable value in enforcing bans from licensed venues. By nature, banning policies can only be enforced through identity authentication (Beckett & Herbert 2010; Lyon 2009). System suppliers, venue licensees and security staff unanimously agreed that the use of ID scanners is an efficient method for excluding banned patrons. Most Australian states have legislatively mandated short-term public order bans and long-term prohibitions on entering licensed venues or nightclub precincts for serious alcohol-related offences that operate alongside a licensee’s proprietary right to deny entry or evict any patron (see Palmer & Warren 2013). The information about patrons that have been banned by venues or have been subject to legislated banning orders is shared between police and venues via the local Liquor Accords, thus avoiding breaches of privacy regulations.
However, the lack of clear policy guidance on implementing ID scanning technology enables door staff and security personnel to subvert the intent of removing patron anonymity, which can occur at the expense of ‘the actual task of providing [human] protection’ (Zedner 2006: 277). In Harcourt’s (2007: 23–25) terms, this is a form of ‘elasticity’. Selective profiling that aims to enforce venue exclusions legitimises gaps in the administration of ID scanning that either allow other forms of crime to remain immune from the surveillant assemblage, or that potentially compromises the identification of victims of violence with no recorded electronic profile. This helps to explain why there has been no significant decline in reported assaults or emergency department admissions between November 2007 and mid-2009.
Crime prevention technologies present numerous challenges for privacy regulators in Australia (ALRC 2008) and internationally (Brogan 2002/2003; Goold & Neyland 2009). Considerable patron satisfaction with ID scanners in Geelong reflects public ‘apathy about having one’s driver’s license scanned’ (Holloman & Ponder 2007: 45) as identified in US literature. This also reveals immense trust that any personal data that is collected is unlikely to be ‘used outside of the scope of ensuring a safe and legal atmosphere within the establishments’ (Holloman & Ponder 2007: 45).
By contrast, privacy is a significant barrier to the dissemination of valuable information about trends in alcohol-related assault that reinforces the legitimacy of ID scanners as a crime prevention measure. The availability of data indicating where victims and perpetrators of assault had last consumed alcohol in the New South Wales city of Newcastle was considered vital to the development of targeted evidence-based interventions leading to a 30 percent reduction in alcohol-related assaults (Wiggers 2007; Wiggers et al. 2004). Such data could have additional value in measuring the displacement effects of any ID scanning or other forms of surveillance introduced into the night-time economy. 
They conclude that
Concepts of effectiveness based on deterrence, reduced anonymity and profiling have normalised digital ID verification as a legitimate form of social sorting. This study demonstrates that ID scanners are a tangible policy supported by what are currently poorly validated claims of ‘success’. The rapid introduction of these new technologies aimed at producing fast and discernible results has occurred with little consideration for the development of appropriate protocols regarding the collection, use, sharing, storage, maintenance, access to and destruction of digital information. Further, there has been limited oversight of how private venue operators or third-party security providers manage these databases independently of, and in conjunction with, the police.
They recommend establishment of a national working group to examine regulatory options for 'forms of population surveillance designed to prevent crime', with consideration of
  • A temporary moratorium on the use of ID scanners pending the development of an appropriate regulatory framework for data collection, storage, dissemination and privacy protection. 
  • The expansion of private security licensing to cover all personnel involved in using ID scanners, including the development of appropriate training and accountability measures. 
  • Specific policies and accountability processes for information sharing between private venue operators, security providers, police and criminal intelligence agencies. 
  • The provision of alternatives to ID scanning where patrons are unwilling to consent to the collection and storage of their personal information. 
  • The development of an independent and transparent complaints mechanism. 
  • The revision of current public order, summary offences, criminal, liquor licensing, administrative appeals and privacy regimes to develop an appropriate audit and compliance procedure. 
  • The promotion of ongoing local, state, national and international research into ID scanners, related electronic surveillance measures and their impact in preventing crime and alcohol-related harm.

21 December 2013

Deleuze and sovereign citizen magic hats

'Atmospheres of Law: Senses, Affects, Lawscapes' by Andreas Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos in (2013) 2(6) Emotion, Space and Society is described by the author thus -
 In this article, I deal with airs and sounds and scents, while keeping an eye on the law. My field of enquiry is the interstitial area between sensory and affective occurrences, namely sensory experiences that are traditionally thought to be a causal result of external stimuli, and affective experiences that are mostly associated with emotional changes and generally allude to something internal. I am arguing that there is no constructive difference between internal and external origin of occurrences. In its stead, I suggest the concept of atmosphere, namely an attempt at understanding affective occurrences as excessive, collective, spatial and elemental. However, it quickly becomes apparent that an atmosphere is legally determined. The law controls affective occurrences by regulating property of sensory stimulation. At the same time, the law guides bodies into corridors of sensory compulsion - an aspect of which is consumerism in capitalist societies. The law achieves this by allowing certain sensory options to come forth while suppressing others, something which is particularly obvious in cases of intellectual property protection that capture the sensorial. I deal with the law in its material, spatial manifestation and in particular through what I have called the ‘lawscape’, namely the fusion of space and normativity. I employ a broadly Deleuzian methodology with insights from radical geography, affective studies, urban and critical legal theory in order to develop and link the various parts of the text.
Indeed.

From there it is on to -
Simply put, the lawscape is the epistemological and ontological tautology of law and the city (Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos, 2007b, 2008). The neologism risks making the use of individual terms redundant. A city without law is a holy city of justice, perpetually floating in a post-conflict space where everything is light and forgiveness. Likewise, a law without a city is a law without materiality, an abstract, universal, immutable law that trammels the globe. Both the above are fantastic beasts that operate at best as horizon and at worst as cheap rhetoric. Think of the horizon of justice as a justice always-to-come, a messianic justice that demands present calculation (Derrida, 1992). Law is needed in the calculation part. After that, and once justice has been achieved (if ever), the law recedes for a well-deserved rest, since it becomes superfluous when the city is just. The law only emerges in conflict, in quest (for justice), and in need to capture the future. A just city, however, has captured time itself, engraved it right here, onto the surface of its urban sprawl. A just city is a theological concept and cannot accommodate anything that falls sort of divinity (contra Fainstein, 2010). Likewise, law as an abstract universal that is free from the constraints of matter and space is one of the illusions law (and some existing legal theory) insists on maintaining. Law as control is by definition material and more specifically spatial, for it is only through its very own emplaced body that the law can exert its power. Law comes from within the controlled, their bodies of appearance and their corridors of movement, as post-colonial theory has taught us (Bhabha, 2005). This is more than just biopolitical control, since it addresses the material nature of the law itself. To posit a law without a city is tantamount to positing, say, a universal human right that applies to everyone, without the need for contextualisation, namely that supreme need for closing in and eavesdropping on this particular body’s specific circumstances. For clarification’s sake, I should mention that by law I understand both standard law and regulation, as well as the generalised diffused normativity that characterises life - what Spinoza (2007) has called “rules for living”. This includes human and other bodies as well as objects. Just as a body, an object is already functionalised, normalised, never independent of its normative position in the world. The law is an expansive institutional affect that permeates the formal and the informal. What is remarkable, however, is that the latter diffused form of normativity exhibits the paradox of appearing both as a corporeally embedded preference for individual self-preservation, and a feature compliant with the current surveillance and control culture. This sense of normativity takes few risks and delegates conflict resolution to what it considers to be higher levels of judgement-making;indeed, to go back to Spinoza, a sort of guardian authority that pursues efficiently the individual interests of its subjects. The phenomenon of the “nanny state” is both an anathema and a desire, a direct result of which is the perceived political apathy. It is not all bleak though. This is a comfortable sense of normativity that covers specific needs, such as issues of belonging, constructions of home and community, as well as emplacement. It is, properly speaking, a product of its own spatiotemporal conditions, and as such it manages to make itself invisible and neutral, to recede from the surface and conceal its force. This works both ways: legal subjects recede from actively questioning the law (complacency or reassurance), and the law recedes from claiming a role in the construction of the everyday. This does not mean that the law is not there; simply that it is not perceived as being constantly there. This is a strategic move that aims at diffusing and dissimulating the force of law, offering instead a smooth, anomic atmosphere. Even so, things can on occasion overflow, exceed themselves and embark upon a flight of radical self-redefinition. In such cases, the already ‘contagious’ (in the sense of epidemic imitating, see Tarde, 1903) nature of the normative doubles up and becomes rapid, horizontal and fiery, engendering such eruptions as demonstrations, revolts, revolutions, coups. In all these cases, the law does not leave the stage. It is merely supplemented by a different normative direction and sometimes a higher velocity.
With city I understand the thick spatiality of bodies (humans, non-humans, linguistic, spatial, disciplinary), buildings, objects, animals, vegetables, minerals, money, communication, silence, open spaces, air, water, and so on. This spatiality is a fractal manifestation of what I have elsewhere called ‘open ecology’ (Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos, 2011), namely the assemblage of the natural, the human, the artificial, the scientific, the political, the economic and so on, on a plane of contingency and fluid boundaries, or as Andrea Brighenti puts it, “a series of territories, which can be thought of as superimposed.or mutually exclusive.or even criss-crossed and overlapping” (2006: 80). The open ecology of the city is simultaneously open and closed. Hinterlands, globe, outer space, hybrid technohumans, technologically manipulated meteorological phenomena ‘and so on’ (see Anna Grear’s 2011 collapse of the anthropomorphic effigy) are all grounded on the urban materiality of here, itself open to any definition of materiality may come from over there. Thus, while infinite, open ecology is entirely immanent. Any transcending movement is inscribed within, in the recesses of the unknowable here. There is nothing that is not, actually or virtually, included in open ecology. And nothing that is not, actually or virtually, connected to everything else in some form of connection that enables everything to become everything else. This is a processual rather than value-based ecology and, to quote Deleuze and Guattari (1986: 4), “we make no distinction between man and nature: the human essence of nature and the natural essence of man become one within nature in the form of production of industry”. Instead of a distinction, a fractal fluctuation between human/artificial and natural. Instead of one city, an infinite multiplicity that repeats itself as difference. The lawscape therefore operates as a surface on which the open normativity of the law and the open ecology of the city emerge. Yet it does not constitute a new unity. The surface of the lawscape enables the reciprocal dissimulation of lawand the city. Thus, in the lawscape, the city sheds its asphyxiating normativity just as the law sheds its ever-present materiality. Law and the city are mutually exclusive in their emergence, thus dissimulating and diffusing the oppressive nature of the lawscape. In that way they can both carry on with their self-perpetuating myths, such as the city as an accueil of difference and the breeding ground of communitarian nostalgia, and of the law as a universal good that has the potential of universalising values such as right and wrong. Some elements remain, however. First, the inescapable lawscape. Wherever one is in the city (and arguably beyond it, in its global hinterlands), one swims with and against the various normative flows that constitute the materiality of its lawscape. Second, the posthuman lawscape. Defining the city as a slice of open ecology means that the lawscape lies beyond such distinctions as human/natural/artificial (Wolfe, 2009). Third, the fractal lawscape. While each lawscape is different, they all fractally repeat the reciprocally invisibilising embrace between open normativity and open ecology. There is no global lawscape that operates as a semantic and material common surface for the totality of cities, yet there is a plane of immanence, not unlike the earth or nature as Deleuze and Guattari put it (1986). This plane trammels the lawscapes like a line of flight, namely an internal movement that begins and ends within the plane of immanence yet pushes the edges of this plane always further. An example of such a line of flight would be the creative or competitive edge of any city that wants to attract the globe and that, by placing itself alongside other cities, manages to develop creatively its own potential.
For fans of Theory Bingo we have Bhabha, Deleuze, Derrida, Guattari, Lyotard, Sloterdijk and Virilio.

The Queensland Supreme Court in Kosteska v Magistrate Manthey & Anor [2013] QCA 105 has refused an application for leave to appeal regarding pseudolegal claims in response to traffic offences. (A prior sovereign citizen claim by Kosteska is noted here.)

The judgment states that Koteska had received a “Reminder Notice” from the State Penalties Enforcement Registry (“SPER”) to the effect that she owed $15,278.60 (SPER fees and 36 fines for offences dating back to 2003, inc exceeding the speed limit, driving while unlicensed, driving an unregistered vehicle, possessing property suspected of being stolen, and failing to vote at an election). 

 [9] The application for leave to appeal is expressed to be made by “Lille: of the Kosteska family (as commonly known)” and “as well for the Queen as for herself and ... made with a view to correcting serious defects in the manner in which legal affairs especially of the nation generally, and the State of Queensland particularly, are presently conducted, and have been for a very long time”. 
 
[10] In bringing this application, the applicant extends a line of similar, hopeless cases. Notwithstanding that her arguments, if correct, would mean that the Supreme Court had no power to grant the orders she seeks, she persists in her applications. The irony of her position seems to have escaped her. But it has not dulled her appetite for wasting the time of courts and the unfortunate respondents to these pointless exercises. 
 
[11] Ms Kosteska’s argument on this application appears to be that: 
 
(a) She was denied natural justice at first instance; and 
 
(b) That “the entire legal system, as established and presently implemented across this Commonwealth of Australia and State of Queensland, is ‘inherently capable [sic], technically’ of addressing such matters at first instance, and to the take the requisite ‘corrective’ action to properly and completely remedy the situation if ‘irregularities’ are uncovered” and that “the applicant has ‘serious concerns that ‘the system’ as a whole, is simply ‘not up to that task’.” 
 
Denial of natural justice 
 
[12] So far as it is possible to discern a thread of argument which would support this ground of appeal, the following seem to be the complaints made by the applicant: 
 
(a) The learned primary judge displayed bias against the applicant; 
 
(b) The learned primary judge did not make reference, in her reasons, to some applications for special leave which had been made to the High Court of Australia by the applicant; 
 
(c) The learned primary judge did not take into account some matters, (the identity of these is difficult to determine); and 
 
(d) The learned primary judge “saw fit to attack” the applicant “on behalf of the respondents”.  
 
[13] The transcript of the proceedings discloses that the learned primary judge had examined all the material before her and proceeded to afford the applicant a complete opportunity to present her case. Her Honour would not have made reference to applications for special leave to the High Court of Australia because they were not relevant to the matter before her. 
 
[14] The learned primary judge did engage the applicant in a series of questions which was clearly designed to elucidate, so far as it was possible, the applicant’s argument. During that exchange her Honour expressed some strong views about the value of the applicant’s contentions, but nothing more than might be expected given the nature of the argument. 
 
[15] It was also argued that her Honour was “severely constrained” in respect of the orders she could make by the “British Coat of Arms” which appeared above the bench Apparently, the presence of this representation (of what is actually the Royal Coat of Arms) required that the law which was to be upheld in all proceedings was the common law of England “in all of its might and majesty”. But, says Ms Kosteska, that requirement was ignored. There are occasions (thankfully very rare) when a submission is made that is so misguided, so erroneous and so lacking in any understanding of the basics of Australian law that one is faced with a truly sublime absurdity. This is such an argument. The presence of a coat of arms in a courtroom is merely a symbol of authority. It provides no power. It creates no duty. 
 
[16] Ms Kosteska was given a complete opportunity to present her case, such as it was, and it cannot be demonstrated that she was denied natural justice. 
 
The flaws in Australia’s entire legal system 
 
[17] This is not the first case in which Ms Kosteska’s argument has been advanced. It, and others like it, have wasted the time of the courts and opposing litigants, together with taxpayers’ money for some time. (This is not a peculiarly Australian problem. Similar fruitless cases have burdened the Canadian courts – so much so that Associate Chief Justice Rooke has examined in detail the characteristics, indicia and concepts of what he describes as Organised Pseudolegal Commercial Arguments.[3]) 
 
[18] The kernel of Ms Kosteska’s argument under this heading is contained within her written submissions filed on 19 June 2012. She says that the proceeding in the Magistrates Court was “utterly lacking any proper basis in law” when viewed “in hard constitutional terms”. This audacious submission is supported, she says, by the following (which is set out in the same manner as in her written submission): 
 
“3. ...the essential basis is that, as there has NOT been – since at least 3 March 1986 at 5.00 am GMT, when the now notorious Australia Act (Imp) 1986, purportedly enacted by the Imperial Parliament at Westminster on behalf of, and at the behest of, the Australian ‘authorities’ of the day, ostensibly came into force here at that time – ANY proper basis in law CONSTITUTIONALLY upon which ANY of the now ‘very many’ enactments which have purportedly ‘become law’ in this country since that time, then ALL such laws purportedly now ‘in force’ are NOT so, since they have ALWAYS ‘utterly lacked’ ANY proper ‘constitutional’ foundation, and therefore they ALWAYS HAVE BEEN NULL AND VOID AT LAW from the time of their enactment, appearances to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
4. This ‘most unlikely’ situation arises as a consequence of a ‘very fundamental procedural error’ in the process whereby that enactment was made, in that, as the referenda, required by the State Constitution Acts then in force in both Western Australia and Queensland to sanction ANY change to the ‘powers of the Office of State Governor’ of the type envisaged by, and indeed expressly in, the Australia Acts (Request Acts) 1985, had NOT been held before those Acts were signed into law by the respective Governors of those States, then the requisite formal agreement of ALL States and Territories, necessarily required FROM ALL States and Territories for such an enactment to be PROPERLY made at law by the Imperial Parliament, HAD NOT IN FACT AND IN LAW BEEN OBTAINED to properly sanction such a change. The necessary consequence HAS TO BE therefore, as stated above.” 
 
[19] It is not easy to summarise what is said in the written submissions filed by the applicant. In some respects it resembles the stream of consciousness style of writing used (more entertainingly) by authors such as Jack Kerouac. There are, for example, contentions that “some very influential people” commonly known as the “the Elite” have been responsible for the unlawful act of subtly removing the common law and replacing it with commercial law so that, amongst other things, the Supreme Court is now an unconstitutional Court of Admiralty which operates under the international law of the sea. 
 
[20] No arguments are advanced to support any of this. Rather, in keeping with the style of all the submissions made by Ms Kosteska, questions are asked which are apparently intended to raise matters of great import. For example: “Is it also not so that a contract is not deemed valid if it is all factors have not been fully exposed and excepted [sic] by all parties involved, in which case the imposition or enforcement of all such CONTRACTS or CORPORATE REGULATIONS called STATUTES, are in fact not valid or void at law? Is it also not true that the pseudo Judges of these pseudo Courts have NO powers without the Consent of both the Plaintiff and the Defendant [AND] in every case the Judge must determine that he has Consent; Personam and Subject Matter Jurisdiction before he can act or access the Cesta Que Trust? Is it also not so that a corporation is a fiction and cannot be sovereign? Is it not so that as I can touch, feel, smell, bleed, and am in fact a living, breathing Child of God, I am in FACT a Sovereign and have higher authority over any fiction?”[4] 
 
[21] The applicant has also attached to her written submission excerpts from decisions of the High Court of Australia, some newspaper articles relating to “Project Wickenby” and the Bell Resources litigation, correspondence between Mr Alan Skyring and the High Court of Australia, excerpts from various books including “A History of Money”, “Descent into Slavery” and “The Second Treatise of Civil Government”, documents promoting the establishment of a parliamentary state bank, and a statutory declaration in relation to an entirely different matter. 
 
[22] Many of the contentions advanced by Ms Kosteska have been previously considered by the Court of Appeal or the High Court of Australia. Similar or associated contentions have been dealt with, and dismissed, in Skyring v Commonwealth Commissioner of Taxation, Skyring v Australia and New Zealand Banking Group, Re Skyring, Skyring v LoheSharples v Arnison, Kelly v Campbell, Skyring v Australian & New Zealand Banking Group LtdRe Skyring’s Application (No 2)Re CusackClampett v Hill & Ors, and Kosteska v Phillips.
 
[23] Each of the arguments advanced on the constitutional grounds by Ms Kosteska has been firmly and convincingly rebuffed and dismissed in many decisions over many years. The result of this case can be no different. 
 
Stay Application 
 
[24] On 8 October 2012 Ms Koteska filed an application (‘the stay application”) seeking the following orders from this court: 
 
(a) That “a permanent stay be applied on all of the orders made in the Cleveland Magistrates Court on the 4th April 2012 in respect of all proceedings instituted against the applicant by the Queensland Police Service since November 2009” 
 
(b) That “the Applicant’s motor vehicle Driver Licence be reinstated forthwith in a ‘unrestricted’ form, which allows her to drive her car anywhere at any time on the public roads in Australia ‘as other normal people do’” 
 
(c) That “the Applicant be afforded forthwith by the State authorities, compensation in an appropriate quantum manner and form as recompense for the highly improper action which has been taken against her by those ‘authorities’ over the last decade and more as she sought, quite properly to ‘have corrections made’ to the unlawful aspects, constitutionally of ‘the entire government setup’ in this State” 
 
(d) That “necessary action be taken forthwith” with respect to certain matters involving the applicant “to have them properly determined at law by the High Court of Australia” 
 
(e) That “the State Attorney-General ‘be instructed’ to intervene in the proceedings with respect to an application by the applicant for special leave to appeal to the High Court on the basis that as he is really the only legal officer in this State who has the necessary ‘legal standing’ to have carriage of such an action, given the nature of matters raised in it, there is no credible option open to anyone but to do just that.” 
 
[25] The basis for the stay application is said to be that there has been an admission by the respondents “of the veracity of the fundamental tenets upon which the applicant’s action was initially brought in this matter”. The application claims that the respondents’, not having served a notice on the applicant during these proceedings to dispute those facts alleged by the appellant, it follows that judgment should be given for her for the orders she seeks. 
 
[26] The applicant relies upon r 190 of the Uniform Civil Procedure Rules. It does not apply to these proceedings. 
 
[27] The applicant has not provided any argument to support the making of such extraordinary orders.

Food Crime

The UK Government has released the interim 'food crime' report [PDF], ie the review by Professor Chris Elliott into the 'Integrity and Assurance of Food Supply Networks' following revelations of horsemeat lasagna and other delights. (One of my more appreciative students has of course asked about kitten pie.)

Elliott comments that
This review was prompted by growing concerns about the systems used to deter, identify and prosecute food adulteration. The ‘horse meat crisis’ of 2013 was an obvious trigger, but so too were concerns about the increasing potential for food fraud, which I will refer to as ‘food crime’, in many instances due to the complex, widespread and organised nature of these activities nationally and internationally. These incidents can have a huge negative impact on both consumer confidence about the food they eat, and on the reputation and finances of food businesses.
I was asked to take evidence from the widest range of views and interests and issued a call for evidence in June 2013. ... With the help of a small but excellent team of subject matter experts, (see Annex B) I have taken a systems approach in making recommendations on how to make it much more difficult for criminals to operate in food supply networks and thus provide the UK consumer with safer and more authentic food.  ...
UK consumers have access to perhaps the safest food in the world and all those involved in supplying food and for developing and enforcing legislation should be commended for what has been achieved. However, our focus now urgently needs to turn to tackling food crime. Due to very limited intelligence it is hard to gauge the scale of this in our food supply chains. Estimates of the extent of criminality in food provision vary widely. In the UK we don’t know the scope or extent of the problem. Data collection and well structured surveys should be considered as a matter of urgency to fill in this knowledge gap. The food industry’s own testing for horse DNA earlier this year identified contamination in 1% of UK samples and over 4% in Europe.
Food crime is a global problem and not one which impacts on the UK alone. The UK food and beverage market (including food drink and catering) in 2012 was estimated by Defra to be worth £188bn, so the cost of criminal activity may be substantial. Limited intelligence has been collected and it is not possible to gauge whether we are dealing mainly with systematic criminality perpetrated by individuals and groups operating exclusively in the food chain, or whether organized criminal networks (i.e. those already established in activities such as trafficking drugs, cigarettes, fuel, firearms or humans) have moved into food crime. Conventional police wisdom suggests that there is no crossover but intelligence related to food-crime has never been collected systematically. I regard this as an unknown that requires urgent attention because of the ease with which money can be made from food fraud. In order to deal with the problem we must know the extent of the problem.
Food crime is an emerging issue for all of Europe and The European Commission has taken a proactive stance by establishing a new food fraud unit within DG SANCO. The recent award of substantial research funding via a Framework 7 project on ‘Food Integrity’ with the Food and Environment Research Agency (FERA) as co-ordinators will play a major role in the harmonisation of European efforts to combat food crime.
As I have taken a systems approach to ensuring the integrity and assurance of food supply networks it means no one part of the report can stand alone: my recommendations are interdependent, and based on the acceptance of the principles and characteristics set out below, of an approach that would support public confidence that those responsible for food supply networks are paying adequate regard to integrity and assurance. ...
The systems approach I have recommended is intended to provide a framework to allow the development of a national food crime prevention strategy. Making it much more difficult for criminals to operate in food networks by introducing new measures to check, test and investigate any suspicious activity. Ultimately those caught perpetrating criminal activity must be severely punished by the law to send a clear message to those thinking of conducting similar criminal activity not to operate in ‘our space’. In order to do this we need new and more rigorous measures of auditing and testing supply networks and a robust system of investigating and prosecuting wrong doers.
This interim report deals with each of these elements in turn, describing each of the elements of the systems approach, why I believe they are important, the problems which I believe exist and the extent to which there is capacity to improve the application of existing resource where it is or could be shared.
For each element of this systems approach there are clear roles and responsibilities for Government and industry. There is no single method of assuring the integrity of our food and my recommendations are directed at industry, regulators, enforcement bodies and consumers accordingly. Some of my proposals will require a change of culture within the industry and the Food Standards Agency so that they can work better together to protect consumers. I believe, however, that a new approach to tackle food crime as set out in this interim report will benefit industry by supporting and protecting the vast majority who are committed to complying with the law.
My systems approach comprises the following characteristics:
Consumers First - Industry, government and enforcement agencies should, as a precautionary principle, always put the needs of consumers above all other considerations, and this means giving food safety and food crime prevention – i.e. the deterrence of dishonest behaviour – absolute priority over other objectives. In this section of the report I seek to provide an overview of food crime and present my view on the importance of consumer confidence. Whilst identifying best practice, I recommend that all parties involved in the governance of the food chain should prioritise consumer confidence in the food they eat over all other aims; food crime prevention must be the primary focus (see R1 and 2)
Zero Tolerance - In sectors where margins are tight and the potential for fraud is high, even minor dishonesties must be discouraged and the response to major dishonesties deliberately punitive. My recommendations in this section focus on the actions industry can take to ensure that ‘casual dishonesty’ is discouraged and how their individual businesses practices and culture can be adapted to prevent and protect against food crime (see R3-9).
Intelligence Gathering - There needs to be shared investment between Government and industry in intelligence gathering and sharing, although to ensure its effectiveness all organisations must have regard to the sensitivities of the market. Here I set out what I consider to be the essential requirements of effective intelligence gathering and dissemination mechanisms; there is a role for both regulators and industry to have their own intelligence services and more action needs to be taken to ensure they derive the maximum benefit from one another (see R10-18).
Laboratory Services - Those involved with audit, inspection and enforcement must have access to resilient, sustainable laboratory services that use standardised, validated methodologies. My recommendations in this section focus on two areas; first ensuring that all food authenticity testing follows standardised procedures, using recognised, validated methodologies, and secondly creating a robust, sustainable public sector laboratory system that can be considered to be a national asset (see R19-23).
Audit - Industry and regulators must give weight to audit and assurance regimes, so as to allow credit where it is due; but also try to minimise duplication where possible. Audits of food supplies by producers, storage facilities, processors and retailers are undertaken both routinely and randomly. In this section I set out the key changes that I believe need to be made to audits in order to make them more effective, less burdensome and ultimately more focused on preventing food crime (see R24-35).
Government Support - Government support for the integrity and assurance of food supply networks is kept specific, measurable, attainable, realistic and timely (SMART). Here my recommendations focus on the Government bodies that I believe have a key role in the prevention and protection of food crime. I call for better partnership working between Government departments and a more robust FSA, still independent but with greater connectivity to Ministers. I also set out my views on why I think that it is necessary, to bring back the Food Authenticity Programme into the FSA whilst Defra retain policy of Country of Origin Labelling and other competitiveness based labelling policy, such as Product of Designated Origin (see R36-40).
Leadership - There is clear leadership and coordination of investigations and prosecutions; and the public interest is recognised in active enforcement and significant penalties for significant food crimes. My recommendations in this section set out the fundamental principles for establishing a dedicated Food Crime Unit, hosted within the FSA, which I believe to be necessary in order to develop the necessary expertise in order to undertake investigations in what may be serious organised crime (see R41-43).
Crisis Management - When a serious incident occurs the necessary mechanisms are in place so that regulators and industry can deal with it effectively. My final section focuses on the measures that need to be taken in order to ensure clarity of roles and responsibilities in the event of a food crisis and makes recommendations as to how these can be achieved (see R44-48).