15 March 2018

Public Sector Fraud

The 'Fraud against the Commonwealth: Report to Government 2014-15' by Penny Jorna and Russell G Smith comments on
the level of fraud risk affecting Commonwealth entities and the government’s approach to preventing and responding to acts of dishonesty perpetrated within and against the Commonwealth. For the three years 2012-13 to 2014-15, 417,480 incidents of suspected fraud were detected worth over $1.208b with more than one third of Commonwealth entities experiencing fraud. During the three years, 3,699 defendants were prosecuted for fraud by the Office of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions. In 2014-15, almost one third of sentences imposed involved actual imprisonment.
The report deserves to be read in detail, noting that not all fraud involves welfare recipients and that there aren't detailed findings about the cost of enforcement (of interest given past claims by Canberra than large-scale fraud justifies the erosion of privacy and incidents such as the #CentrelinkFail). The report states
Key findings 
During the three years examined, 2012–13 to 2014–15, more than one-third of Commonwealth entities reported experiencing fraud. The proportion of entities experiencing fraud increased from 40 percent of responding entities in 2012–13 to 42 percent of entities in the 2014–15 financial year. As with previous reports, the majority of incidents were alleged to have involved people external to the entities.
Over the three years, 417,480 incidents of suspected or proved fraud were reported by Commonwealth entities.
During the same period, entities reported monetary losses totalling approximately $1.208b, comprising $207m in 2012–13, $673m in 2013–14 and decreasing to $329m in 2014–15. Entities recovered $50.4m during the reference period, although this may have included monies recovered from fraud losses sustained in earlier years.
Experience of fraud
Between 2012–13 and 2014–15, the percentage of entities experiencing internal fraud increased, (from 28% to 31%). The percentage of entities experiencing external fraud also increased, but to a lesser extent, from 30 percent to 32 percent. Each year, entities with more than 1,000 staff experienced more fraud than smaller entities with 500 or fewer staff.
Extent of fraud 
In each year, the number of internal fraud incidents reported declined, with a 12 percent total reduction from 1,685 incidents of internal fraud in 2012–13 to 1,485 incidents in 2014–15. This decline was generalised across all entities that experienced internal fraud, rather than a few entities experiencing reductions in large numbers.
As with earlier reports, substantially larger numbers of external fraud incidents were reported than internal fraud incidents. In 2014–15 there were 154,221 incidents of suspected external fraud detected, compared with 1,485 incidents of suspected internal fraud. There were some fluctuations in the numbers of external fraud incidents detected over the three years. In 2012–13 there were 133,969 incidents detected, and in 2013–14 the number of incidents reported reduced to 123,876; however, in 2014–15 the number of reported external fraud incidents increased substantially, to 154,221, representing a 24 percent increase between 2013–14 and 2014–15.
In addition to questions asked about suspected incidents of internal or external fraud, respondents answered questions about their experience of fraud involving collusion between staff and individuals outside the public sector. The number of incidents involving collusion fluctuated over the three years, ranging from 17 in 2012–13, down to four in 2013–14 and increasing substantially in 2014–15 to 107. The percentage of entities experiencing collusion over the three-year period remained steady at 2–3 percent.
The number of incidents of fraud that could not be classified (as either internal, external or collusion) also varied over the three-year period, from one incident in 2012–13, to 428 in 2013–14 and decreasing to 30 in 2014–15.
In addition to incidents of fraud experienced, the census also asked about the number of individuals suspected of committing fraud. Over the three-year period the number of suspects identified was lower than the number of incidents reported. In 2014–15 there was a reduction of 26 percent in the number of suspects identified for internal fraud incidents and a 91 percent reduction in the number of suspects identified with external fraud incidents. The reasons for this decline may include entities not always being able to identify suspected individuals, particularly when investigations have just commenced, or changes in fraud reporting processes within some large entities that resulted in fraud allegations being handled differently. 
How fraud was committed
Respondents were asked to indicate two main aspects of how the fraud incidents they detected had been committed: their focus (that is, the target of the alleged fraudulent activity, or the benefit to be derived from the illegal conduct) and the method of carrying out the alleged fraud (such as misuse of technology, information, identity etc). 
Internal fraud 
The largest number of entities reported suspected internal fraud incidents involving financial benefits, such as obtaining cash without permission, or misuse of government credit cards, with around 20 percent of entities reporting this type of internal fraud each year. Although more entities experienced an incident of fraud targeting financial benefits, in terms of the numbers of incidents experienced, the most prevalent type involved misuse of information. 
Over the three years there was a steady increase in the number of incidents categorised as misuse of information, from 721 incidents in 2012–13 to 811 incidents in 2014–15. In relation to the methods by which internal fraud incidents had allegedly been committed, the method affecting the highest percentage of entities was misuse of documents and/or information. However, between 2013–14 and 2014–15 there was a slight increase in the number of entities experiencing fraud committed through the misuse of information and communications technologies (ICT) and corruption (increasing from 11% of entities in 2013–14 to 12% of entities in 2014–15 inclusive). The number of internal fraud incidents overwhelmingly involved the misuse of ICT. In 2014–15 there was an increase in the number of incidents of internal fraud committed via misuse of identity and misuse of documents/ information. 
External fraud 
Fraud involving financial benefits was the most frequently reported type of external fraud over the three years, with the proportion of entities experiencing such fraud increasing from 21 percent in 2012–13 and 2013–14 to 25 percent in 2014–15.
The greatest number of external fraud incidents related to government entitlements. This category of external fraud continued to increase, from 90,773 incidents in 2012–13, to 110,698 incidents in 2013–14 and to 125,047 in 2014–15. Fraud of this nature most often involved three subtypes: revenue fraud, visa/citizenship fraud and social security fraud.
Misuse of documents was the most commonly reported method of committing external fraud. The number of entities experiencing external fraud involving corruption declined from 17 percent of entities in 2012–13 to 10 percent of entities in 2014–15. While the largest percentage of entities experienced external fraud involving misuse of documents, the number of incidents experienced within that category declined from 62,382 incidents in 2012–13 to just 2,908 incidents in 2014–15, while at the same time the number of incidents involving misuse of identity rose from 16,967 incidents in 2012–13 to 98,573 incidents in 2014–15. These changes were largely due to one large entity changing the way in which it classified misuse of documents and misuse of identity, and to an increased government focus on identity crime and misuse (AGD 2012). 
Cost of fraud 
The total reported cost of fraud each year is likely to be an underestimate of actual losses incurred. There are a number of reasons for this difference:
• The research findings are limited to entities that participated in the census and were able to detect (and then quantify losses from) fraud incidents. 
• Fraud investigations are becoming longer, which may mean details will not be known for several years to come. 
• Some types of fraud cannot be quantified in dollar terms, such as loss of information or accessing ICT systems. While these may cause substantial reputational damage to entities, there is generally a low dollar value (in terms of entity losses) associated with such frauds, although other non-financial impacts can be substantial. 
• In addition, there are many associated costs involved with fraud incidents and investigations which are not quantified in the present research, such as time and cost of investigation, monetary value associated with replacing employees, and other indirect costs that may arise with a fraud investigation. 
Therefore, the present report was only able to provide an estimate of the cost of fraud to the Commonwealth based on data provided by entities from the questionnaires.
Over the three-year period, between 20 and 34 percent of entities were unable to quantify the value of the losses experienced.
The present study asked respondents to indicate the total amount thought to have been lost from fraud incidents, prior to the recovery of any funds and excluding the costs of detection, investigation or prosecution. The responses indicated estimated losses at the time of reporting, as opposed to final losses determined once investigations or criminal action was concluded. Separate questions asked about amounts recovered by entities.
For the three years included in the report, entities reported fraud losses totalling approximately $1.208b, increasing from $207m in 2012–13 to $673m in 2013–14 and reducing to $329m in 2014–15. The large amount in 2013–14 was due to one entity attempting to quantify the cost of fraud incidents for the first time in 2013–14, while the reduction in 2014–15 was due to the same entity changing the way its losses were quantified.
External fraud caused the vast majority of fraud losses, with external fraud totalling $1.2b over the three years (99% of all losses incurred). The total reported amount lost due to internal fraud incidents totalled $11.3m.
Over the three years, internal fraud losses increased by 23 percent between 2012–13 and 2014–15. Losses due to external fraud incidents fluctuated over the three years. Entities were also asked to indicate how much had been recovered using various means. Their responses related to amounts recovered during the financial year in question and did not necessarily reflect amounts lost due to fraud incidents in the same financial year that recoveries were made. Over the three years, $1.8m of internal fraud losses and $48.6m of external fraud losses were recovered, totalling $50.4m. This equates to approximately four percent of the total losses reported over the three financial years. However, because the recovery process may in some cases take years to finalise, monies recovered within any given financial year may not necessarily align with monies lost in that financial year. As such, it is difficult to determine how much money is ultimately recovered by entities that relate to frauds included in any specific year.
The majority of funds were recovered through the use of criminal proceedings, although administrative remedies and other means were also common ways of recovering lost monies. 
How fraud was detected 
Between 2012–13 and 2014–15 fraud was most often detected through internal controls, such as auditing or internal investigation of both internal and external fraud incidents. The next most common method used for detecting fraud incidents was by staff. Detection of external fraud incidents differed from internal fraud, with ‘other’ methods being the second most commonly reported method of detection; however, a large number of those related to community notifications, which might be considered external whistleblowers. Only three incidents of internal fraud were detected via the media over the three years. In contrast, the number of external fraud incidents detected via the media increased, from five incidents in 2012–13 to 31 incidents in 2014–15.
Entities with a dedicated fraud control section were more likely to detect fraud incidents than entities without a dedicated fraud control section. This may be because entities with a dedicated fraud control section are likely to be larger entities with more fraud risks, and because an entity with a dedicated fraud section may actively look for incidents involving fraud and potential misconduct. 
Investigations within entities 
The Commonwealth Fraud Control Framework (AGD 2014) requires entities themselves to investigate routine or minor instances of fraud, and to discipline responsible parties. The findings presented in this report indicate that entities do indeed conduct the vast majority of initial investigations or reviews of fraud allegations. For example, over the three-year period, between 83 and 93 percent of internal fraud incidents were investigated internally by the entity, using an investigation, review or administrative review. As noted above, only a small number of entities without a dedicated fraud control section reported detecting fraud incidents; in 2014–15 over half of those entities still conducted a review/assessment or investigation of the alleged fraud incident.
As with internal fraud investigations, the vast majority of external fraud incidents were primarily investigated by entities themselves, accounting for between 65 and 97 percent of alleged external fraud over the three-year period.
Between 2012–13 and 2014–15, the number of fraud control staff engaged in fraud prevention and investigation duties steadily decreased, from 843 people employed in a fraud prevention capacity in 2012–13 to 804 people in 2014–15. 
Police investigations 
Over the three years, just over five percent (5.4%) of detected internal fraud incidents were referred to police, prosecution or other organisations for investigation or prosecution (259 incidents referred in total), with just under four percent (3.8%) of external fraud incidents referred to other organisations for investigation or prosecution (15,626 incidents). Information about the number of referrals received and accepted by the Australian Federal Police (AFP) was also gathered. The AFP accepted 203 of the 239 fraud referrals made to it over the three years. In 2014–15 there was a decrease in the number of matters referred to the AFP and the subsequent matters accepted by the AFP. As of 30 June 2015 the AFP was investigating 160 fraud-related matters with an estimated loss value of $1.8b. 
Prosecution of fraud 
Over the three years, 4,214 defendants in fraud-type cases were referred to the Office of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions (CDPP). Of these, the CDPP prosecuted 3,699 defendants, the majority involving direct referrals from entities rather than referrals via law enforcement agencies.
Between 2013–14 and 2014–15, there was an increase of 17 percent in the number of defendants referred to the CDPP for prosecution. In total, however, the number of defendants prosecuted declined, from 1,271 in 2013–14 to 1,033 in 2014–15.
The total amount initially charged in fraud-type prosecutions decreased from $41m in 2013–14 to $25m in 2014–15. The number of convictions declined during the census period, by 22 percent between 2012–13 (1,062 defendants convicted) and 2014–15 (833 convictions). In 2014–15 there was a change in the most frequently imposed sentence for proved fraud offences. In previous years (2012–13 and 2013–14) the most frequently imposed sentence was a recognisance order; however, a fully suspended term of imprisonment was the most frequently imposed sanction in the current year, followed by recognisance orders. The use of custodial sentences again increased over the three-year period, from 12.5 percent of cases in 2012–13 to 17.3 percent of cases in 2014–15. The sentence imposed depended greatly upon the nature and seriousness of the offence(s) and the various factors relating to each individual defendant, although the increase in harsher sentencing may indicate a change in courts’ views regarding fraud offences. 
Fraud compliance and prevention 
Most non-corporate entities (over 92% each year) met the Commonwealth Fraud Control Framework (AGD 2014) requirement to provide the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) with data on fraud incidents and compliance with the terms of the framework.
Over the three years, there was a slight increase in the percentage of entities with a dedicated fraud control section to deal with the prevention, investigation and control of fraud risk—from 74 percent of entities in 2012–13 to 77 percent in 2014–15. The number of staff employed in fraud control activities increased overall, from 3,160 staff in 2012–13 to 3,588 staff in 2014–15. However, the number of fraud control staff with a specific fraud qualification reduced, from 45 percent of all staff in a fraud control section in 2012–13 to 33 percent in 2014–15. The Commonwealth Fraud Control Framework (AGD 2014) requires a fraud risk assessment to be conducted by entities regularly or when there has been a substantial change to the activities or functions of the entity. Over the three years examined, the percentage of entities complying with this requirement remained high. In 2012–13, 94 percent of entities had completed a fraud risk assessment within the previous two years; in 2013–14, 95 percent of entities had done so; in 2014–15, the percentage reduced slightly to 92 percent.
A high proportion of respondent entities in 2014–15 had completed a fraud control plan within the previous two financial years (91%, N=140). This was similar to the 92 percent (N=152) which had done so in 2013–14, although it was a decline from the 94 percent (N=153) which had done so in 2012–13.
Fraud awareness training (43% of respondents), compliance with the Commonwealth Fraud Control Framework (39% of respondents) and strong internal controls (21% of respondents) were some of the most frequently cited suggestions for what had made a difference to an entity’s fraud prevention in 2014–15. 
Fraud risks for the Commonwealth 
In the Commonwealth, fraud may be perpetrated by employees or contractors of an entity (internal fraud) as well as by members of the public who have dealings with the government (external fraud), such as when they are obtaining benefits or paying taxes. Fraud risk factors are diverse when dealing with the Commonwealth, as fraud may arise through third-party contractors, procurement processes, provision of government-funded grants, or even overseas cyber attacks.
The principal risks of internal fraud arise from inadequate or outdated internal controls, poor recruitment practices, and insider threats (where staff are compromised or groomed by external parties). External fraud risks arise in connection with the provision of new benefits, failing to build appropriate prevention measures into program and policy design, inadequate procurement practices, new government-funded programs where fraud risks have not been adequately assessed, and Machinery of Government (MoG) changes resulting in new and changing functions for entities.
Between 2012–13 and 2014–15, the number of incidents of external fraud involving the misuse of identity rose by over 450 percent. Identity crime and misuse of documents and information are ongoing areas of risk for Commonwealth entities. Potentially, with more government services moving online, establishing one’s identity and the use of identity documents will remain a concern for entities, with effort required to reduce fraud involving these activities. 
Belcher review and changes to the questionnaire 
The Belcher Red Tape Review was undertaken in 2015, and the report recommended several changes in relation to fraud reporting and the AIC’s annual census (Belcher 2015). These included suggestions for reducing the burden associated with completion of the online questionnaire, and combining the Attorney-General Department’s (AGD’s) annual fraud control compliance report to government with the AIC fraud report to government. Consultations were undertaken with entities to determine how best to improve and streamline the questionnaire. As a result, the key changes to the 2016 questionnaire will include:
• changing the unit of measurement in the new questionnaire to fraud ‘investigations’ undertaken each year rather than fraud ‘incidents’; 
• moving the questions about fraud control, in the previously identifiable section collected for the AGD, to the start of the 2016 questionnaire; 
• including additional conditional response questions in the online questionnaire, to enable those for whom a section is not applicable to proceed quickly to other sections without having to provide responses; 
• adding a new section that examines the most costly external fraud investigations in addition to the previous questions about the most costly internal fraud investigations; 
• enabling respondents to respond to both internal and external fraud questions in the one set of questions, to reduce the overall burden of the questions; and 
• changing the categories of fraud ‘focus’ and ‘methods of committing fraud’ to ensure the categories are mutually exclusive and as exhaustive as possible.
The purpose of these changes is to increase the internal consistency of how entities report fraud to allow for greater comparisons between census years. 
How the information was gathered 
Each year Commonwealth entities were invited to participate in an annual census about their experience of fraud incidents, how they managed fraud risks and the entities’ compliance with the former Commonwealth Fraud Control Guidelines (AGD 2011) and the new Commonwealth Fraud Control Framework (AGD 2014) that came into effect on 1 July 2014. The period examined in this report covers the earlier guidelines and the new framework and the differences they may involve. The framework (AGD 2014) consists of:
• section 10 of the Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Rule 2014 (Fraud Rule); 
• Commonwealth Fraud Control Policy (Fraud Policy); and 
• Resource Management Guide No. 201: Preventing, detecting and dealing with fraud (Fraud Guidance).
Although the three-year period examined is covered by both the guidelines and the framework, for the purposes of this report reference will be made to the 2014 framework now applicable throughout the Commonwealth.
Under the 2014 framework (AGD 2014), fraud against the Commonwealth was defined as ‘dishonestly obtaining a benefit, or causing a loss, by deception or other means’ (AGD 2014: 4.1). Entities were asked to provide information about all suspected and proved incidents of internal and external fraud against the Commonwealth. Further details relating to the data collection procedures are provided in the Methodology section ... 
Information was provided by 163 entities in 2012–13 (with 162 responses included for analysis), 166 entities in 2013–14 and 154 entities in 2014–15 (for 2013–14 and 2014–15, all responses were included for analysis). Each year, this represents over 80 percent of those invited to participate. The data collection periods for all three years covered a period of considerable change for the Australian Public Service, as the government implemented a number of MoG changes. A MoG change consists of a variety of organisational or functional changes affecting the Commonwealth (Department of Finance 2015). These changes were relevant to the collection of fraud information because of the alteration in the number of responding entities as well as changes in their functions during the financial years in question. In some instances MoG changes may have led to investigations being terminated by one entity and taken over by another, which may occasionally have led to inaccuracies in reporting.
Respondents were asked to provide information by completing a secure, online questionnaire that recorded results anonymously (without naming individual entities or individual suspects). The aim was to canvass the experience of fraud across the Australian government as a whole, rather than by identifying what each individual entity had experienced.
Further information on the investigation and prosecution of fraud incidents within the Commonwealth was also provided by the AFP and the CDPP for matters handled within each year (regardless of when they were committed).
Last year's Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial_Services 'Whistleblower Protections' report comments
Effective whistleblowing provides an essential service in fostering integrity and accountability while deterring and exposing misconduct, fraud and corruption. A recent analysis of whistleblower protections across G20 countries found Australia's laws to be comprehensive for the public sector, but lacking in the private sector. However, the Moss Review of the Public Interest Disclosure Act 2013 (PID Act) identified many flaws and areas for reform of the PID Act. Evidence to the inquiry, as well as consideration of existing laws, indicates that whistleblower protections remain largely theoretical with little practical effect in either the public or private sectors. This is due, in large part, to the near impossibility under current laws of: protecting whistleblowers from reprisals (i.e. from retaliatory action); holding those responsible for reprisals to account; effectively investigating alleged reprisals; and whistleblowers being able to seek redress for reprisals. 
Another significant issue identified by the committee is the fragmented nature of whistleblower legislation. In particular, significant inconsistencies exist not only between various pieces of Commonwealth public and private sector whistleblower legislation, but also across the various pieces of legislation that apply to different parts of the private sector. The committee has made a number of recommendations to address these issues based on a detailed comparison of three separate Acts. 
The committee has recommended separate public and private whistleblower protection legislation. However, the committee recognises that it would be the preference of Labor and Green committee members that a single Act be proceeded with in the first instance. 
The committee's work on this inquiry was greatly assisted by a substantial body of academic work over the past two decades on whistleblower protections. The committee has used the best practice guidelines set out in the Breaking the Silence report as a systematic basis for conducting its inquiry and structuring this report. The table overleaf summarises the best practice criteria for whistleblowing legislation and the areas where the committee is recommending reforms. 
One of the committee's main recommendations is the establishment of a Whistleblower Protection Authority (to be housed within a single body or an existing body) that can support whistleblowers, assess and prioritise the treatment of whistleblowing allegations, conduct investigations of reprisals, and oversight the implementation of the whistleblower regime for both the public and private sectors. 
The committee notes the Moss review recommendation to ensure that the whistleblower regime is focussed on serious misconduct such as fraud and corruption. The committee considers that, for whistleblowing associated with serious misconduct, it is likely that reprisals would be a form of corrupt conduct (that is, dishonest or unethical or criminal conduct to obtain personal benefit by a person entrusted with a position of authority). It is therefore the committee's view (assuming that the Moss Review recommendations are implemented) that the most appropriate body to house the Whistleblower Protection Authority is a body that has a demonstrated track record in identifying and investigating corruption and bringing those responsible to account. 
Best practice criteria for legislation and recommendations for reform 
Best Practice Criteria for Whistleblowing Legislation 
1 Broad coverage of organisations 
Broaden to cover the private sector, and ensure consistency by bringing all private sector legislation into a single Act. 
2 Broad definition of reportable wrongdoing 
Broaden the private sector definition of disclosable conduct to a breach of any Commonwealth, state or territory law. 
3 Broad definition of whistleblowers 
Provide protections for both former and current staff that could make a disclosure, or are suspected of making a disclosure. 
Provide appropriate protection for recipients of disclosures and those required to take action in relation to disclosures. 
4 Range of internal / regulatory reporting channels 
Adopt a tiered approach comprising: (i) internal disclosure; (ii) regulatory disclosure; and (iii) external disclosure (in appropriate circumstances). 
Protect internal disclosures in the private sector, including in registered organisations. 
5 External reporting channels (third party / public) 
6 Thresholds for protection 
Align thresholds for protection across the public and private sectors. 
7 Provision and protections for anonymous reporting 
Allow for anonymous disclosures across the public and private sectors. 
8 Confidentiality protected 
Protect the confidentiality of the disclosures and the whistleblower's identity. 
9 Internal disclosure procedures required 
An appropriate body to set and promote standards for internal disclosure procedures in the private sector. 
10 Broad protections against retaliation 
Align the public and private sector with the protections, remedies and sanctions for reprisals in the Fair Work Registered Organisations Act 2009. 
11 Comprehensive remedies for retaliation 
12 Sanctions for retaliators 
13 Oversight authority 
Establish a Whistleblower's Protection Authority (to be housed within a single body or an existing body) that has as its priority to support whistleblowers, that has the power to investigate reprisals, and that will oversight the implementation of the whistleblower regime. 
14 Transparent use of legislation 
Annual reports to Parliament for both the public and private sectors in consistent format to facilitate comparison.

14 March 2018

Legal Automation

'A Rule of Persons, Not Machines: The Limits of Legal Automation' by Frank A. Pasquale in (2018) George Washington Law Review (Forthcoming) comments
For many legal futurists, attorneys’ work is a prime target for automation. They view the legal practice of most businesses as algorithmic: data (such as facts) are transformed into outputs (agreements or litigation stances) via application of set rules. These technophiles promote substituting computer code for contracts and descriptions of facts now written by humans. They point to early successes in legal automation as proof of concept. TurboTax has helped millions of Americans file taxes, and algorithms have taken over certain aspects of stock trading. Corporate efforts to “formalize legal code” may bring new efficiencies in areas of practice characterized by both legal and factual clarity. 
However, legal automation can also elide or exclude important human values, necessary improvisations, and irreducibly deliberative governance. Due process, appeals, and narratively intelligible explanation from persons, for persons, depend on forms of communication that are not reducible to software. Language is constitutive of these aspects of law. To preserve accountability and a humane legal order, these reasons must be expressed in language by a responsible person. This basic requirement for legitimacy limits legal automation in several contexts, including corporate compliance, property recordation, and contracting. A robust and ethical legal profession respects the flexibility and subtlety of legal language as a prerequisite for a just and accountable social order. It ensures a rule of persons, not machines. 
An earlier analysis by Pasquale is here.

'Artificial Intelligence: The Importance of Trust & Distrust' (UC Hastings Research Paper No. 268) by Robin Feldman comments
Artificial Intelligence (AI) is percolating through modern society. Just as technology made the leap from analog to digital, and communications catapulted forward from rotary dial telephones to smartphones, FaceTime, and WhatsApp, AI has gone from needing hundreds of square feet of computers for the task of playing chess to identifying faces with a thumbnail of silicon. Most important, one cannot overemphasize the speed at which we are hurtling towards a world in which AI will be ubiquitous, seeping into every corner of what we do. 
As AI becomes part of our everyday life, a key aspect will be the way in which society—and by extension, the legal system—manages both the integration of these systems and society’s expectations. In this context, this essay suggests that the concepts of trust and distrust will be critical for navigating the road ahead, particularly if we want to avoid societal unrest and upheaval. We will have to learn to trust the capacity of AI systems sufficiently so that we can soar to new heights without succumbing to the irrational exuberance that can send us crashing to the ground when our hopes are dashed by its inability to live up to our blind expectations. And we must learn to tolerate the ambiguity that lies between these two extremes. To accomplish these goals, this essay suggests three general principles that should form the basis of the legal regimes—both regulatory and property—that will be necessary for AI.

Emojis Again

'Emojis and the Law' by Eric Goldman in (2018) 93 Washington Law Review picking up the item here,  comments
Emojis are an increasingly important way we express ourselves. Though emojis may be cute and fun, their usage can lead to misunderstandings with significant legal stakes—such as whether someone should be obligated by contract, liable for sexual harassment, or sent to jail.
Our legal system has substantial experience interpreting new forms of content, so it should be equipped to handle emojis. Nevertheless, some special attributes of emojis create extra interpretative challenges.
This Article identifies those attributes and proposes how courts should handle them.
One particularly troublesome interpretative challenge arises from the different ways platforms depict emojis that are nominally standardized through the Unicode Consortium. These differences can unexpectedly create misunderstandings.
The diversity of emoji depictions isn’t technologically required, nor does it necessarily benefit users. Instead, it likely reflects platforms’ concerns about intellectual property protection for emojis, which forces them to introduce unnecessary variations that create avoidable confusion. Thus, intellectual property may be hindering our ability to communicate with each other. The Article will discuss how to limit this unwanted consequence.

12 March 2018

Monetizing Citizenship

'Citizenship for Sale: What's the Objection?' (Sydney Law School Research Paper No. 18/05) by  Helen Irving comments
 In recent years, a number of countries around the world have begun to offer their citizenship for sale (at a considerable price) to individual purchasers. Our intuitions tell us that there is something wrong with such schemes. Citizenship, it seems, should never be for sale. But, this objection is problematic. It rests upon a priori theories about the nature of citizenship that are questionable and unstable, and that do not persuasively distinguish citizenship acquired by purchase from citizenship acquired in any other manner. This paper considers several common objections to the ‘monetization’ of citizenship: the political participation objection; the ‘genuine connection’ objection; and the objection from allegiance. It argues, among other things, that these objections, if they are sound, should apply equally to the holding of more than one citizenship, but observes that a return to the historical rejection of dual nationality would have consequences more regrettable than those likely to result from schemes for purchasing citizenship, at least under the conditions in which citizenship is actually sold. It concludes that selling citizenship would be objectionable if this were the only or the default manner of acquiring it, but that these scenarios remain unlikely. Finally, rather than devaluing citizenship, its purchase indicates just how valuable it is.
'The Marketization of Citizenship in an Age of Restrictionism' by Ayelet Shachar in (2018) 32 Ethics & International Affairs 3-13 comments 
In today’s age of restrictionism, a growing number of countries are closing their gates of admission to most categories of would-be immigrants with one important exception. Governments increasingly seek to lure and attract “high value” migrants, especially those with access to large sums of capital. These individuals are offered golden visa programs that lead to fast-tracked naturalization in exchange for a hefty investment, in some cases without inhabiting or even setting foot in the passport-issuing country to which they now officially belong. In the U.S. context, the contrast between the “Dreamers” and “Parachuters” helps to draw out this distinction between civic ties and credit lines as competing bases for membership acquisition. Drawing attention to these seldom-discussed citizenship-for-sale practices, this essay highlights their global surge and critically evaluates the legal, normative, and distributional quandaries they raise. I further argue that purchased membership goods cannot replicate or substitute the meaningful links to a political community that make citizenship valuable and worth upholding in the first place.

07 March 2018

Data Protection

'The introduction of data breach notification legislation in Australia: A comparative view' by Angela Daly in (2018) Computer Law and Security Review comments
Australia's recently-passed data breach notification legislation, the Privacy Amendment (Notifiable Data Breaches) Act 2017 (Cth), and its coming into force in 2018, makes an internationally important, yet imperfect, contribution to data breach notification law. Against the backdrop of data breach legislation in the United States and European Union, a comparative analysis is undertaken between these jurisdictions and the Australian scheme to elucidate this argument. Firstly, some context to data breach notification provisions is offered, which are designed to address some of the problems data breaches cause for data privacy and information security. There have been various prominent data breaches affecting Australians over the last few years, which have led to discussion of what can be done to deal with their negative effects. The international context of data breach notification legislation will be discussed, with a focus on the United States and European Union jurisdictions, which have already adopted similar laws. The background to the adoption of the Australia legislation will be examined, including the general context of data privacy and security protection in Australia. The reform itself will be then be considered, along with the extent to which this law is fit for purpose and some outstanding concerns about its application. While data breach notification requirements are likely to be a positive step for data security, further reform is probably necessary to ensure strong cybersecurity. However, such reform should be cognisant of the international trends towards the adoption of data security measures including data breach notification, but lack of alignment in standards, which may be burdensome for entities operating in the transnational data economy.

Relatedness and biography

'Privacy Versus Relatedness: Managing Device Use in Australia’s Remote Aboriginal Communities' by Ellie Rennie, Tyson Yunkaporta, and Indigo Holcombe-James in (2018) 12 International Journal of Communication comments
Aboriginal Australians living in remote communities are likely to be “mobile only” users. The sharing of devices among kin is common and linked to demand sharing practices that stretch back to presettler times. While sharing can produce benefits (acting as a form of insurance), it can also lead to privacy-related problems among this group, including illicit use of banking and social media accounts via shared devices. In this article, we examine the ways in which the aspect of Aboriginal sociality known as relatedness is interacting with online privacy frameworks designed for individual device use and device management. The findings suggest that the sociotechnical frameworks of platforms and devices do not accord with cultural dynamics, including obligations to others. Moreover, efforts by individuals and Elders to avoid privacy-related problems are leading to digital exclusion in various forms, from the deliberate destruction of devices to whole communities opting out of mobile infrastructure.
'Privacy's Double Standards' by Scott Skinner-Thompson in (2018) 93 Washington Law Review comments 
Where the right to privacy exists, it should be available to all people. If not universally available, then particularly accessible to marginalized individuals who are subject to greater surveillance and are less able to absorb the social costs of privacy violations. But in practice, people of privilege tend to fare better when they bring privacy tort claims than do non-privileged individuals. This, despite doctrine suggesting that those who occupy prominent and public social positions are entitled to diminished privacy tort protections. 
This Article unearths disparate outcomes in public disclosure tort cases, and uses the unequal results as a lens to expand our understanding of how constitutional equality principles might be used to rejuvenate beleaguered privacy tort law. Scholars and the Supreme Court have long recognized that the First Amendment applies to the substance of tort law, under a theory that state action is implicated by private tort lawsuits because judges (state actors) make the substantive rule of decision and enforce the law. Under this theory, the First Amendment has been used to limit the scope of privacy and defamation torts as infringing on the privacy invader’s speech rights. But as this Article argues, if state action applies to tort law, other constitutional provisions should also bear on the substance of common law torts. 
This Article highlights the selective application of constitutional law to tort law. And it uses the unequal effects of prevailing public disclosure tort doctrine to explore whether constitutional equality principles can be used to reform, or nudge, the currently weak protections provided by black letter privacy tort law. By so doing, the Article also foregrounds a doctrinally-sound basis for a broader discussion of how constitutional liberty, due process, and equality norms might influence tort law across a variety of substantive contexts.
'Judicial Biography in Australia: Current Obstacles and Opportunities' by Tanya Josev in   (2017) 40(2) University of New South Wales Law Journal 842 comments
Judicial biography – or the scarcity of it – is a matter of ongoing complaint in legal and academic circles in Australia. Judicial biography has been variously described as ‘an undeveloped branch of scholarship in Australia’, ‘as rare as hen’s teeth’, ‘small and undistinguished’, having ‘received little academic attention’, subsisting within the ‘wider malaise ... afflict[ing] the study of Australian legal history’, and, rather damningly, as an area of scholarship in ‘parlous condition.’ Supreme Court judges, or judges of the colonial era, seem to have fared somewhat better than their High Court and Federal Court counterparts in having their intellectual portraits sketched by biographers, but this is not to suggest that there is burgeoning scholarship in the area in any sense. 
Consider the production of biographies of High Court judges. Of the 53 justices of the High Court, only 15 have been the subject of an extended biography (or multiple biographies): there are book-length treatments of the lives of Justices Griffith, Barton, Issacs, Higgins, Evatt, Dixon, Barwick, Murphy, Gibbs, Stephen, Wilson, Deane, Gaudron, Kirby, and Gleeson. Of these Justices, 10 had public careers outside of their life in the law: Griffith, Barton, Higgins, Evatt, Barwick and Murphy served as politicians; Isaacs served as a politician, and later, as Governor-General; Stephen and Deane also served as Governor-General; and Dixon took leave from the Court on several occasions to undertake diplomatic duties overseas. Others took on roles as champions of particular social causes within the law, either prior to judicial appointment, or in retirement. Biographers of these justices, therefore, have often dedicated a greater portion of their study to their subject’s activities off the bench, rather than on it. Biographies of those judges who embarked on a career at the bar, and moved directly to a long period of service on the bench, are in short supply. The judicial life, it seems, is not a popular subject of extended biographical treatment. 
Why might this be so? In recent years, the (few) biographies produced of eminent Australian jurists have been received with enthusiasm, both within and outside the legal arena – no argument could be made for a total lack of interest in the genre. Admittedly, judicial biographies are unlikely to be commissioned as mass-market or popular biographies, as Stuart Macintyre describes them; these biographies are written for a general readership, and usually take widely known historical figures, celebrities, or even contemporary politicians as their subject. These are marketed seasonally as holiday-reads or gifts, and are notable for their straightforward narrative (‘full of anecdote, lightly referenced’) and handsome production. Judicial biography more likely fits within the separate genre of scholarly biography: the biographer usually has expertise in their subject’s field, is likely to be writing to a specific audience, and is expected to produce a rigorous critical analysis of their subject’s intellectual influences and output – in addition to providing an account of their public life. The expectations of this type of biography are perhaps much higher than that of popular biography. The likelihood of judicial biographies being marketed as ideal gifts for all manner of festive occasions, of course, is low. But this is not to say that judicial biography ought have a narrow readership – David Marr’s Barwick and A J Brown’s biography of Justice Kirby are prominent examples of judicial biographies that received accolades and attention in the wider literary sphere, and point to the potential for further penetrating work in the area that informs the public’s conception of the judicial function. 
In these circumstances, why are book-length treatments of the lives of Australian judges so rare? Are there particular obstacles to producing judicial biography here, and, if so, how might these be overcome? These are the central enquiries examined in this article. I seek to examine briefly some of the difficulties in accessing the judicial ‘archive’ in Australia, and to provide some tentative suggestions as to how biographers might be encouraged to take on judges as their subjects in the future. If a case needs to be made for the production of judicial biography before proceeding further, however, let it be this, in the words of James Thomson:
does [the] nurturing of ... [judicial] biographical scholarship matter? Yes – if beneath the rhetoric of judicial neutrality and autonomy lurk personal values and preferences. ... [and] revelation of previously undisclosed information concerning important cases might enhance understanding of judges’ decision-making processes.
A perceptive judicial biography, then, might disclose to the reader the extent to which contemporary legal principles have been shaped by an individual judge. Such a biography might shed light on how the judge’s education, relationships, life experience, and career in the law ultimately shaped the judge’s own perception of the judicial role. But there is a greater case to be made than this. It is the case for the writing of legal history itself. Just as Australian political and literary biography is appreciated for its role in preserving and providing an interpretation of the lives of prominent Australians who have shaped our social and cultural fabric, so should judicial biography be regarded. The individual forces that have developed the law of Australia should also be recorded, revealed, examined: judges also shape, albeit indirectly, the social and political fabric of the nation.

Platforms and Persons

'Evaluating the legitimacy of platform governance: a review of research and a shared research agenda' by Nicolas Suzor, Tess Van Geelen and Sarah Myers West in (2018) International Communication Gazette states
This paper provides an overview of the key values that we argue should underpin an index of the legitimacy of the governance of online intermediaries. The aim is ultimately to allow scholars to rank the policies and practices of intermediaries against core human rights values and principles of legitimate governance in a way that enables comparison across different intermediaries and over time. This work builds on the efforts of a broad range of researchers already working to systematically investigate the governance of social media platforms and telecommunications intermediaries. In this paper, we present our review and analysis of the work that has been carried out to date, using the digital constitutionalism literature to identify opportunities for further research and collaboration.
The theme of this special issue is the deeply contested political question of how human rights should be protected in a digital environment. ‘Digital constitutionalism’ encompasses “a constellation of initiatives that have sought to articulate a set of political rights, governance norms, and limitations on the exercise of power on the Internet” (Gill et al., 2015: 2). One of the key challenges of the digital constitutionalism project is to articulate appropriate limits on the private exercise of power by online intermediaries, how those limits may be imposed, and by whom.
This is a complex problem, and requires a new understanding of constitutionalism in an era where regulation is not only, or even not primarily, done by the state (Black, 2001). We take a broad view of ‘governance’ that encompasses all ‘organized efforts to manage the course of events in a social system’ (Burris et al., 2008: 3). This broad definition focuses attention particularly on the policies and practices of online intermediaries as key actors in the governance of online behaviour.
Intermediaries play a critical role in governing the internet by developing and managing its infrastructure. By ‘intermediaries’, we mean the broad range of entities that “bring together or facilitate transactions between third parties on the Internet” (OECD, 2010: 9). Intermediaries of all types --- the owners of physical pipes, the providers of core routing services, the search engines that make content visible, the content hosts, and the social media platforms --- all shape how people communicate in important but different ways. They are the focal points of control, where pressure can be most effectively deployed to influence user behavior (Goldsmith and Wu, 2006), and the decisions that they make have a real impact on public culture and the social and political lives of their users (DeNardis, 2014). In order to progress the political project of digital constitutionalism, more needs to be known about how intermediaries govern their networks and how their decisions impact the basic rights of individuals in different contexts. In this paper, we present an outline of the values we suggest ought to be measured, a guide to the work that has already been completed, and a sketch for future projects to build upon in their own research design.
Susan Watson, whose 2015 work was noted here and in my doctoral dissertation, has produced 'The Corporate Legal Person' in (2018)  Journal of Corporate Law Studies

She comments 
The argument set out in this article is that the modern company is a creature of the state, with corporate legal personality derived from the state through the process of incorporation. Once incorporation takes place a legal person is created. Status as a legal person is different to the type of sociological personality that a group of individuals may develop organically that is recognised by the law. Also status as a legal person means corporate legal personality is more significant than just a shortcut mechanism to describe a collective of individuals or a set of characteristics. It is argued that the modern company is a nexus for contracts; a legal entity that is a legal person that derives its legal personality from the state. Far from being a “convenient heuristic formula”, corporate legal personality attaching to the nexus or entity separate from shareholders and all other corporate participants is the defining characteristic of the modern company.