'Hear
no
evil,
see
no
evil:
Understanding
failure
to
identify
and
report
child
sexual
abuse
in
institutional
contexts', a report [
PDF] by Eileen
Munro
and
Dr
Sheila
Fish for the Royal Commission into
Institutional
Responses
to
Child
Sexual
Abuse, comments
The
failure
to
protect
children
from
sexual
abuse
not
only
arouses
shock
and
anger
but
also
puzzlement:
how
could
people
who
are
employed
to
care
for
children
fail
to
protect
them
when,
with
hindsight,
the
evidence
of
harm
or
danger
seems
all
too
obvious.
In
the
aviation
and
healthcare
sectors,
attributing
failure
simply
to
individual
error
is
no
longer
seen
as
sufficient
for
encouraging
safe
practices
in
the
future.
Instead,
attention
has
turned
to
seeking
a
deeper
understanding
of
why
errors
occur.
Failures
are
seen
as
consequences,
not
just
causes.
Solutions
to
failures
are
built
on
gaining
a
greater
understanding
of
the
factors
that
contributed
to
human
error.
Those
factors
lie
in
the
nature
of
the
activity
being
managed,
the
type
of
reasoning
errors
that
people
are
prone
to
and
the
wider
system
in
which
workers
operate.
Applying
this
approach
to
the
two
case
studies
available
from
the
Royal
Commission
into
Institutional
Responses
to
Child
Sexual
Abuse
when
we
began
this
study,
it
is
possible
to
offer
some
speculative
findings
on
individual
and
organisational
factors
that
contributed
to
the
failure
to
protect
children
in
a
timely
and
effective
way.
The
nature
of
the
problem
The
challenges
posed
by
the
problem
of
child
sexual
abuse
are
(1)
that
perpetrators
seek
to
conceal
their
activities;
(2)
children
and
young
people
who
are
abused
can
be
unable
or
slow
to
ask
for
help;
and
(3)
many
of
the
behavioural
indicators
of
abuse
and
‘grooming’
are
ambiguous,
requiring
judgement
or
interpretation
to
decide
if
they
are
cause
for
concern.
‘Grooming’
involves
actions
by
the
perpetrator
to
increase
their
chances
of
abusing
a
child
undetected.
Errors
of
human
reasoning
Workers’
judgements
are
vulnerable
to
cognitive
biases.
The
current
understanding
of
human
reasoning
is
such
that
when
we
seek
to
understand
the
actions
or
inaction
of
those
involved
in
the
organisations
where
an
abuser
was
operating,
we
should
not
imagine
these
people
as
cold,
logical
processors
of
data.
A
more
apt
image
is
of
living,
feeling
human
beings
whose
understanding
and
actions
arise
from
the
6
interplay
of
their
reasoning
capacities,
both
logical
and
intuitive,
and
their
emotions
as
they
respond
to
the
world
around
them.
Research
has
found
that
it
is
hard
to
eradicate
biases,
and
especially
hard
for
a
person
to
eradicate
their
own
biases.
The
strategies
that
have
had
some
success
involve
a
person
trying
to
consider
alternative
perspectives
or
explanations,
and
this
is
best
achieved
with
the
help
of
others.
Organisations
have
a
major
part
to
play
in
creating
the
conditions
in
which
errors
of
reasoning
can
be
quickly
picked
up
and
corrected.
They
can
do
this
by
providing
mechanisms
for
staff
members
to
talk
through
their
judgements
and
encouraging
a
culture
of
critical
reflection.
Organisational
factors
The
case
studies
examined
in
this
report
explore
many
of
the
organisational
factors
that
influence
how
well
children
are
protected:
the
recruitment
process,
training
in
recognising
and
responding
to
indications
of
abuse,
and
formal
policies
about
what
people
should
do
both
to
prevent
and
react
to
abuse.
Our
study
highlighted
less
tangible
but
equally
influential
aspects
of
organisations
that
were
also
evident
in
the
case
studies,
including:
Local
rationality:
People
do
what
they
think
is
right
or
sensible
at
a
given
time,
and
inquiries
such
as
this
need
to
find
out
what
local
rationalities
may
have
influenced
their
actions.
Organisational
culture:
This
is
partly
created
by
the
explicit
strategies
and
messages
of
senior
managers
but
is
also
strongly
influenced
by
covert
messages
that
are
transmitted
throughout
organisations,
influencing
individual
behaviour.
These
can
significantly
affect
the
rigour
with
which
policies
and
procedures
are
implemented.
Balancing
risks:
Policies
and
actions
that
protect
children
can
also
create
dangers.
Workers
who
are
fearful
of
being
wrongly
suspected
of
abuse
may
keep
their
distance
from
children
and
not
provide
the
nurturing,
healthy
relationships
that
children
need
to
have
with
adults.
Organisations
have
to
reach
some
conclusion
as
to
what
level
of
concern
should
be
reported.
Making
it
compulsory
to
report
even
a
low
level
of
concern
will
identify
more
cases
of
abuse
but
at
the
cost
of
including
numerous
non
‐
abusive
cases.
Efforts
therefore
need
to
be
made
to
create
a
culture
that
understands
the
ambiguity
of
the
behaviour
so
that
innocent
people’s
reputations
are
not
tainted
by
false
reports.
Drift
into
failure:
Organisations
face
the
problem
of
maintaining
vigilance
and
avoiding
a
drift
into
failure.
For
any
one
worker,
the
chances
of
working
with
an
abuser
are
low
and
so
they
may
not
be
as
vigilant
as
they
would
be
if
they
had
recurrent
experiences
of
detecting
abuse.
Indeed,
if
they
are
asked
to
report
low
‐
level
concerns,
they
may
experience
so
many
false
alarms
that
they
become
cynical
about
them.
There
is
no
quick
fix
to
this
problem.
It
requires
that
managers
continually
monitor
and
endorse
protection
policies
to
stress
the
importance
of
vigilance.
Organisations
that
achieve
a
very
good
safety
level
–
known
as
High
Reliability
Organisations
(Weick,
1987)
–
provide
useful
examples
of
what
organisations
can
do
to
make
themselves
safer
places
for
children.
They
share
a
fundamental
belief
that
mistakes
will
happen
and
their
goal
is
to
spot
them
quickly.
They
encourage
an
open
culture
where
people
can
discuss
difficult
judgements
and
report
mistakes
so
that
the
organisation
can
learn.
Organisations
seeking
to
be
safe
places
for
children
must
encourage
frequent,
open
and
supportive
supervision
of
staff
to
help
counteract
the
difficulties
people
face
in
making
sense
of
ambiguous
information
about
colleagues.
A
shared
acknowledgement
of
how
difficult
it
can
be
to
detect
and
respond
effectively
to
abuse
contributes
to
a
culture
that
keeps
the
issue
high
on
the
agenda.
The authors state -
When
people
hear
about
cases
of
institutional
child
sexual
abuse
that
were
not
exposed
at
the
time
they
occurred,
it’s
difficult
for
them
to
fathom
how
others
within
the
institution
could
have
missed
the
signs
or
turned
a
blind
eye
to
indications
that
a
child
was
suffering
harm.
In
his
report
on
Case
Study
Two
of
the
Royal
Commission
Professor
Stephen
Smallbone
comments:
‘It
seems
surprising
that
Ms
Barnat
remained
unaware
of
the
long
list
of
ambiguous
and
clearly
concerning
incidents’
(Smallbone,
2014b
para.85).
Following
these
types
of
cases,
efforts
to
improve
practice
tend
to
assume
that
the
major
problem
lies
in
human
error.
Typically,
solutions
then
take
the
form
of
providing
additional
training,
emphasising
the
importance
of
being
vigilant
and
creating
more
detailed
policies
on
what
people
should
or
should
not
do.
These
are,
of
course,
part
of
the
solution
but
the
case
studies
prepared
by
the
Royal
Commission
show
that
these
policies
have
not,
to
date,
been
sufficient
to
protect
children.
One
option
may
be
to
do
more
of
the
same
–
increase
the
training,
procedures
and
monitoring.
However,
this
report
argues
that
we
should
learn
from
the
impressive
progress
made
in
other
sectors
where
safety
is
a
key
concern.
Industries
such
as
nuclear
power
and
aviation
may
seem
remote
from
child
protection
but
they
have
in
common
that
they
involve
human
beings
and
they
seek
to
prevent
adverse
outcomes
that
are
of
low
probability
but
can
have
a
high
impact
when
they
do
happen,
such
as
plane
crashes
and
child
abuse.
Progress
in
those
fields
has
been
achieved
by
looking
beyond
human
error
to
study
how
their
organisational
factors
help
or
hinder
them
in
producing
high
‐
quality
work.
Going
beyond
human
error
means
analysing
the
skills
needed
for
the
tasks
we
want
workers
to
do,
considering
the
strengths
and
limitations
of
human
beings
in
demonstrating
those
skills,
and
examining
how
organisational
factors
influence
the
level
of
skill
achieved.
Sometimes
error
is
due
to
deliberate
malpractice,
but
more
often
a
series
of
weaknesses
in
the
system
produces
the
failure.
Our
methodology
involved
analysing
the
two
published
case
studies
available
when
our
work
began
–
Case
Study
One
and
Case
Study
Two
–
and
drawing
on
research
into
human
errors
of
reasoning
and
on
how
organisational
factors
can
contribute
to
human
error.
We
are
not
duplicating
the
work
of
the
hearings
of
the
Royal
Commission
but
using
their
findings
to
inform
our
analysis
of
the
data
from
another
theoretical
approach
to
see
whether
drawing
on
lessons
from
other
sectors
can
further
illuminate
systemic
factors
that
contribute
to
failure
in
the
care
of
children.
Nothing
in
this
report
should
be
read
as
disagreement
with
any
of
the
findings
of
the
Royal
Commission
but
as
offering
additional
understanding
of
why
people
acted
as
they
did.
The
aim
is
not
to
exonerate
workers
from
responsibility
for
their
actions,
or
lack
of
action,
but
to
seek
a
deeper
understanding
of
how
inaction
or
ineffective
action
occurs,
with
a
view
to
formulating
strategies
to
improve
practices
in
sectors
contributing
to
the
care
of
children.
This
report
starts
by
detailing
the
methods
we
used,
then
discusses
the
challenges
of
suspecting,
identifying
and
responding
to
grooming
and
abusive
behaviour.
Next,
we
summarise
how
and
why
other
sectors
instigated
change
in
analysing
human
errors,
and
give
a
brief
introduction
to
a
system’s
approach
to
understanding
behaviour.
This
provides
the
theoretical
framing
of
the
subsequent
sections.
We
begin
by
presenting
a
selective
review
of
research
into
the
strengths
and
limitations
of
human
reasoning,
relevant
to
detecting
and
preventing
child
sexual
abuse
in
institutions
and
with
illustrations
of
weaknesses
that
can
be
detected
in
the
case
studies.
This
leads
to
consideration
of
selective
research
into
how
organisations
can
create
an
environment
suitable
for
preventing
and
detecting
child
sexual
abuse,
allowing
for
known
human
cognitive
tendencies.
Again,
illustrations
are
provided
from
the
case
studies.
The
concluding
chapter
summarises
the
key
messages.
In that chapter they state
... We
all
share
the
ambition
of
creating
‘safe
organisations’,
where
children
are
protected
from
harm
while
being
able
to
enjoy
the
service
provided.
The
case
studies
are
examples
of
failure
but
the
analyses
of
how
the
abuse
was
not
prevented
or
identified
reveals
the
challenges
inherent
in
these
tasks.
This
study
has
identified
a
number
of
challenges
to
creating
and
maintaining
a
safe
organisation
in
which
staff
members
are
quick
to
suspect
grooming
or
abusive
behaviour
and
can
trigger
a
process
that
investigates
the
concerns
and
takes
appropriate
action
so
that
children
are
protected
from
harm.
The
first
difficulty
lies
in
the
nature
of
the
problem
itself
–
especially
with
regard
to
the
ambiguity
of
much
abusive
and
grooming
behaviour
–
where
behaviours
that
should
trigger
concern
cannot
simply
be
listed.
Policies
can
certainly
help
to
explain
the
type
of
behaviour
to
look
out
for
but
the
use
of
words
like
‘appropriate’
and
‘inappropriate’
indicate
the
need
to
make
judgements
about
the
meaning
of
what
is
being
observed.
Such
judgements
are
fallible.
The
section
of
this
report
on
errors
of
reasoning
detailed
how
people’s
reasoning
processes
can
lead
to
errors
so
that
they
fail
to
interpret
what
they
see
as
suspicious
behaviour.
Research
shows
that
it
is
hard
to
police
one’s
own
intuitive
reasoning
and
most
strategies
to
reduce
bias
involve
other
people
helping
you
to
critically
review
your
explanation
and
consider
alternative
explanations.
The
need
for
help
in
reaching
more
accurate
judgements
and
detecting
abusive
or
grooming
behaviour
more
quickly
brings
in
the
central
role
that
organisational
systems
play
in
creating
a
safe
place
for
children.
Opportunities
to
reflect
on
one’s
reasoning
are
valuable
if
conducted
in
a
supportive,
non
‐
blaming
atmosphere.
For
this
reason,
all
staff,
including
the
senior
people
to
whom
others
report
their
concerns,
would
benefit
from
supervision
to
ward
against
common
errors
of
human
reasoning.
...
Our
analysis
of
how
organisational
factors
have
influenced
individuals’
behaviour
showed
that
these
should,
in
part,
be
explained
by
features
of
the
work
environment,
some
aspects
of
which
may
help
to
produce
the
right
behaviour
and
other
aspects
of
which
may
encourage
the
wrong
behaviour.
While
individuals
must
hold
some
responsibility
for
their
actions,
the
case
studies
show
how
many
organisational
factors
contributed
to
what,
in
hindsight,
was
poor
practice
in
protecting
children.
Good
training
and
policies
are
necessary
elements
but
their
contribution
to
safety
requires
that
they
be
implemented
accurately.
They
need
to
be
seen
as
important
in
the
organisational
culture,
with
senior
managers
demonstrating
this
by
monitoring
whetherthat
people
understand
and
use
them.
Failure
to
do
this
is
evident
in
Case
Study
Two.
Organisations
also
influence
the
level
of
concern
that
will
cause
a
worker
to
report
suspicions.
In
this,
they
are
not
faced
with
a
simple
choice
between
‘safe’
and
‘dangerous’,
but
a
requirement
to
balance
risks.
Efforts
to
ensure
the
safety
of
children
can
have
negative
as
well
as
positive
effects.
For
example,
a
threshold
that
is
low
for
reporting
concerns
may
lead
to
many
false
alarms,
potentially
harming
the
reputations
of
innocent
people
and
deterring
people
from
working
with
children.
A
high
threshold
for
reporting
will
mean
that
workers
miss
or
will
be
slow
to
detect
some
instances
of
abuse.
The
wider
society
also
influences
organisational
and
individual
behaviour.
The
Royal
Commission
will
itself
have
a
strong
influence
on
future
behaviour,
demonstrating
how
society
considers
child
sexual
abuse
as
a
very
serious
matter.
The
Royal
Commission’s
existence
will
alter
the
equation
in
terms
of
calculating
reputational
risk.
In
Case
Study
One,
the
desire
to
protect
the
organisation’s
reputation
was
deemed
to
lead
to
a
failure
to
act
effectively
in
stopping
abuse.
The
reputational
risk
in
being
found
to
have
concealed
instances
of
abuse
is
now
much
higher
and
should
make
cover
‐
ups
less
appealing.
The
current
social
concern
about
institutional
sexual
abuse
is
beneficial
in
many
respects
but
it
does
carry
the
danger
of
creating
an
atmosphere
of
public
vilification
for
past
mistakes
that
leads
to
defensive
practices
in
organisations.
For
instance,
organisations
may
retreat
to
the
safety
of
fixed
rules
governing
behaviour,
such
as
banning
all
physical
contact
between
an
adult
and
a
child,
thereby
removing
any
need
for
individual
judgement.
This
protects
adults
from
false
accusations
of
grooming
or
abuse
but
at
the
cost
of
depriving
children
of
appropriate
and
nurturing
human
contact.
Even
if
the
policies
themselves
avoid
naïve
rules,
workers
may
interpret
principles
as
rules
because
they
are
scared
of
getting
into
trouble
if
their
judgements
turn
out
to
be
wrong.
To
counter
this,
a
‘fair’
culture
is
needed
where
workers
are
confident
that
they
will
receive
a
just
hearing
and
only
be
punished
if
they
acted
carelessly
or
with
malice.
Organisations
that
achieve
a
very
good
safety
level
–
known
as
High
Reliability
Organisations
(Weick,
1987)
–
provide
useful
examples
of
what
organisations
can
do
to
make
themselves
safer
places
for
children.
They
share
a
fundamental
belief
that
mistakes
will
happen
and
their
goal
is
to
spot
them
quickly.
They
encourage
an
open
culture
where
people
can
discuss
difficult
judgements
and
report
mistakes
so
that
the
organisation
can
learn
from
them.
Safety
can
also
be
improved
by
organisations
recognising
the
central
importance
of
the
frequent,
open
and
supportive
supervision
of
staff
members,
to
help
them
maintain
vigilance
and
to
counteract
the
difficulties
people
face
in
making
sense
of
ambiguous
information
about
colleagues.
A
shared
acknowledgement
of
how
difficult
it
can
be
to
detect
and
respond
effectively
to
abuse
contributes
to
a
culture
that
keeps
the
issue
high
on
the
agenda.
The
Royal
Commission
case
studies
analysed
in
this
report
identify
the
failure
of
people
to
see
or
act
effectively
upon
suspicions
of
grooming
and
abuse
in
institutional settings
and,
with
hindsight,
these
failures
seem
incredible.
In
this
study,
we
set
out
to
find
out
whether
applying
a
different
lens
could
help
to
better
explain
such
failures.
We
have
illustrated
how
applying
current
understanding
of
human
reasoning
and
a
systems
approach
to
error
investigation
can
help
make
people’s
decisions
and
actions
more
understandable.
There
are
common
ways
in
which
people
fail
to
accurately
interpret
the
world
around
them
and
common
organisational
factors
that
contribute
to
the
failure
of
people
to
see
or
act
upon
suspicions
of
grooming
and
abuse.
These
provide
additional
insights
into
failures
to
protect
children
from
sexual
abuse
in
institutions.
Providing
better
explanations
of
why
people
acted
as
they
did
in
error,
holds
promise
for
providing
the
kind
of
support
that
will
help
people
to
better
protect
children
in
the
future.
Crucially,
a
safe
organisation
requires
the
combination
of
several
factors
that
will
jointly
contribute
to
facilitating
and
encouraging
the
protective
behaviour
that
is
needed.