Vulnerability as a Category of Historical Analysis: Initial Thoughts in Tribute to Martha Albertson Fineman' by Deborah Dinner in (2018) 67(6)
Emory Law Journal 1149
offers
some initial thoughts about the significance of vulnerability theory as a category of analysis in legal history. Vulnerability theory is centrally concerned with how the state should respond to the inevitability of change over time in individual, social, institutional, and environmental circumstances. Vulnerability theory thus suggests that the law must account for temporality, making legal history central to the project of legal theory. To develop this insight, I use an illustrative example from my own scholarship: the legal construction and obfuscation of vulnerability in the U.S. welfare regime.
Diner comments
Over the last decade, Professor Fineman has turned her attention to one such
negative space: vulnerability in the human condition. In 2008, she published 'The
Vulnerable Subject: Anchoring Equality in the Human Condition'. This essay,
since cited by more than 150 law-review articles and countless book chapters,
presented Fineman’s critique of the limits of antidiscrimination law and argued
that recognition of universal human vulnerability should serve as the ethical
foundation for a more responsive state. In the last decade, vulnerability theory
has evolved considerably, but I will start my remarks with a brief overview of
this landmark essay.
Fineman’s piece starts with a familiar critique: that the formal conception of
equality in U.S. antidiscrimination law — same treatment for similarly situated
individuals — has proved wholly inadequate either to challenge structures of
subordination or to remedy socioeconomic inequality. She draws attention to
the way in which the rhetorical prominence of antidiscrimination, as our legal
culture’s dominant frame for justice and injustice, reinforces the perceived
legitimacy of a restrained state. Putting a twist on our understanding of the
public–private divide, she argues that the contemporary state has not withered.
Rather, the state refrains from using its formidable coercive authority to
guarantee substantive equality.
The essay then proceeds to chart wholly new territory in legal scholarship:
universal and constant human vulnerability. Of crucial importance, Fineman
departs from the popular conception of vulnerability as signaling the
“victimhood, deprivation, dependency, or pathology” of particular groups.
Rather, the essay advances the radical notion that vulnerability is a universal and
constant aspect of the condition. Vulnerability, she explains, “should be
understood as arising from our embodiment,” which carries with it the capacity
for “harm, injury, and misfortune . . . whether accidental, intentional, or
otherwise.” Vulnerability also stems from individuals’ differential location in
social, economic, and political institutions. For this reason, while vulnerability
is universal, Fineman reasons, its manifestations in specific individuals’
experiences are particular and varying.
In my own view, Fineman’s thoughts about the simultaneous universality
and particularity of vulnerability offer fruitful terrain for further scholarship.
Scholars may explore the points of overlap and departure between Fineman’s
theory and critical-race and feminist theories. The latter view vulnerability as
institutionally produced and, generally, challenge universalist theories as
insufficiently attentive to the construction and deployment of power. It seems
that these two approaches to vulnerability may be compatible—a view that
should not be surprising given the long and profound role Fineman has played
in the development of critical theory within the legal academy. Existential
vulnerability, if understood as particular in its manifestation, may support
theoretical insights into the institutional production of vulnerability. Fineman
and critical theorists of vulnerability similarly highlight the ways in which both
state and civic society institutions construct privilege and disadvantage. Indeed,
Fineman herself argues that it is not identity traits, themselves, that produce
inequality. Rather, “systems of power and privilege . . . interact to produce webs
of advantages and disadvantages.”
Fineman’s project, however, is ultimately constructive rather than critical. In keeping with her laudable pragmatism, Fineman’s theory calls for a
responsive state that promotes both human and institutional resilience.
Vulnerability theory argues that the state has a responsibility to promote
resilience by facilitating the just distribution of physical assets such as material
resources, human assets such as education and health care, and social assets such
as strong, functional families and communities. For the purposes of this Essay,
however, I will focus on the concept of human vulnerability rather than its
cognate—resilience.
Even at this early stage, the reader might wonder: why does the author,
whose primary intellectual identity lies within the field of legal history, find this
particular piece of legal theory so compelling? Here is the answer: Fineman’s
theory is of considerable interest to legal historians because it is fundamentally
concerned with how we should re-theorize law given the inevitability of change
over time. I take the occasion of this tribute issue honoring Martha Albertson
Fineman’s oeuvre to outline some ideas about the significance of vulnerability
theory as a category of analysis in legal history. To begin, vulnerability theory
makes historical analysis critical to law by placing historical change (and not
just originalist inquiry) at the core of legal analysis. Vulnerability theory draws
our attention to the fact that human beings are constantly susceptible to change,
both positive and negative, in our bodily, social, and environmental
circumstances. Vulnerability theory, therefore, reconceives the universal
political–legal subject as dynamic rather than static, materially fragile, and
socially interdependent. Vulnerability theory is thus well-suited to legal history
because it foregrounds temporality as a means to understand social experience
as well as institutional arrangements under law. The theory demonstrates that
any theory of social justice must account for change over time.
Even as it demonstrates the relevance of temporality for legal theory,
vulnerability theory demands that historians pay greater attention to the
persistence of enduring and constant human needs across time. Over the last
three decades, critical-race and feminist theory has informed historical
scholarship by showing how ideas about identity and difference have structured
social–legal institutions. Vulnerability theory, I would argue, challenges
historians to examine how history is shaped, too, by what Fineman terms
inevitable, biological dependency across the life course as well as the derivative
dependency of caregivers. These existential characteristics have provoked
varied and shifting institutional and legal responses over time.
The question
for legal historians is how and why law has constructed and reconstructed the
institutional arrangements of dependency. Accordingly, recognition of
vulnerability can offer new ways to organize historical periodization and
theories of causation.
This Essay uses an illustrative example from my own scholarship to
demonstrate the capacity for vulnerability theory to enrich legal history. It
analyzes the legal construction and obfuscation of vulnerability in the U.S.
“welfare regime”: the public as well as private arrangements that order social
provisioning. As a short Essay meant to provoke rather than to answer questions,
the piece is necessarily cursory in its treatment of historical causation,
controversies, and patterns. First, I outline the relationship between gender and
vulnerability in the liberal welfare regime, premised on concepts of feminine
vulnerability and masculine independence. Second, I discuss the ways in which
the neoliberal welfare regime assumes invulnerability: it valorizes sex neutrality,
while reinforcing private responsibility for dependency. Third, I use
vulnerability theory to help illuminate a historical path not taken: the
transformation of the welfare regime according to the model of the universal,
interdependent caregiver rather than the universal, autonomous breadwinner.
Throughout this brief exposition, I endeavor to explain how Fineman’s
theoretical insights inform my own methodology and analysis as a legal
historian.