Showing posts with label Bullying. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bullying. Show all posts

07 October 2023

Injury

'Liability for Workplace Psychiatric Injury in Australia: New Coherence and Unresolved Tensions' by Kylie Burns in (2023) 45(2) Sydney Law Review 157 comments 

Workplace psychiatric injury is a significant health, economic and social problem. Multiple recent inquiries and reports have drawn attention to the failure of Australian law, including workplace health and safety (‘WHS’) regulation and compensation laws, to adequately respond to workplace psychiatric injury. This article considers how Australian negligence law has responded to workplace psychiatric injury since the High Court took a restrictive approach in 2005 in Koehler v Cerebos (Australia) Ltd. It considers the role of workplace psychosocial hazards in psychiatric injury and the changing Australian WHS landscape, including the evolution of Australian principles of negligence following Koehler. The 2022 High Court decision in Kozarov v Victoria which concerned injury from vicarious trauma is analysed and the tensions and unresolved issues post Kozarov are considered. The article argues that while Australian negligence law has experienced some change of direction post Kozarov, the failure of the High Court to overrule Koehler means it may remain difficult for some injured employees to recover for their workplace psychiatric injuries. Further development of negligence law is required in a way which promotes coherence with the Australian legislative regulatory landscape, and which adequately recognises the nature of workplace psychosocial hazards. 

Workplace psychiatric injury is a significant health, economic and social problem. The cost to the Australian economy of poor psychosocial workplace climates is approximately $6 billion per annum. A 2014 study by Beyond Blue found that only about half of Australian employees considered their workplace was mentally healthy. On average, there are around 10,000 accepted workers compensation claims for psychiatric injury or illness each year, the majority of which involve extended periods of absence from the workplace. While the number and overall cost of all ‘serious injury’ workers compensation claims4 have fallen over the past decade, the number and costs of mental injury claims have grown exponentially. Serious mental health–related claims rose 73% between 2000 and 2020. Median time lost in working weeks for mental health conditions ‘rose 175%, from 11.2 working weeks in 2000–01 to 30.8 weeks in 2019–20’. Median compensation for mental health conditions rose 288% from $14,300 in 2000–01 to $55,300 in 2019– 20. Mental stress claims had the highest median compensation amount of all injuries — ‘more than three times the median compensation amount for all serious claims’. 

Many people who suffer psychiatric injury in the workplace remain uncompensated. Psychiatric injury claims are treated differently from physical injury claims. State and territory workers compensation schemes reject 24–60% of psychiatric injury claims, compared to 6–10% of physical injury and disease claims. Workplace psychiatric injury is suffered at a disproportionately higher rate by women, particularly in sub-categories of mental stress such as work-related harassment, workplace violence, bullying and work pressure where women suffer injuries at more than twice the rate of men. Rates of workplace psychiatric injury and claims differ widely between different industries. The average overall incident rates of serious accepted claims over five years for injuries caused by mental stress are highest in public administration and safety services (including police, fire fighters, emergency services personnel, corrections officers, border control officers); health care and social assistance professionals; and education and training professionals. Occupations with very high rates of work-related harassment and bullying include clerical and administrative workers; defence force members, police and fire fighters; and labourers. 

There is increasing awareness that workplace psychiatric injury in Australia requires an urgent response. The risk of psychiatric injury in the workplace due to employer-controlled psychosocial hazards has been known for many years. However, multiple recent government inquiries and reports have drawn attention to the failure of Australian law, including workplace health and safety (‘WHS’) regulation and compensation laws, to adequately recognise, respond to and compensate workplace psychiatric injury. These include the 2019 report by the Senate Education and Employment References Committee on the mental health and suicides of first responders;  the 2020 report by the Productivity Commission on mental health; the 2021 report of the Royal Commission into Victoria’s Mental Health System; the 2018 review of the model WHS laws (‘Boland Review’); the 2020 report of the Australian Human Rights Commission (‘AHRC’) on the inquiry into sexual harassment in Australian workplaces (‘Respect@Work’);  the 2022 AHRC report on the independent review into Commonwealth parliamentary workplaces; and the 2022 Western Australian Legislative Assembly Report on sexual harassment in the fly-in fly-out mining industry. 

This article considers how Australian negligence law has responded to workplace psychiatric injury since the High Court took a restrictive approach to liability in 2005 in Koehler v Cerebos (Australia) Ltd. Part II considers, as background, the role of workplace psychosocial hazards in psychiatric injury and the changing WHS regulatory landscape in Australia. Part III discusses the principles of negligence following Koehler. It suggests that the restriction of employer liability for injury by courts has been problematic. Factors contributing to the restriction of liability have included: the construction of workplace psychiatric injury as predominantly caused by individual employee factors rather than workplace psychosocial hazards; the principle of the coherence of negligence law with other areas of law, particularly contract; and legal policy factors including privacy and individual autonomy. Part IV analyses the 2022 High Court decision in Kozarov v Victoria concerning vicarious trauma — that is, trauma suffered by exposure to the trauma and suffering of others. Part V considers tensions and unresolved issues in negligence law post Kozarov. The article argues that while Australian negligence law has changed direction post Kozarov, the failure of the High Court to overrule Koehler means it may remain difficult for some injured employees to recover for their workplace psychiatric injuries. Further development of negligence law in a way which promotes coherence with the Australian legislative regulatory landscape, and which adequately recognises the nature of workplace psychosocial hazards, is required.

23 June 2022

Abuse

'Peer Mistreatment on Employee Performance' by Yuntao Bai, Lili Lu and Li Lin-Schilstra in (2022) 178(3) Journal of Business Ethics comments 

An accumulating amount of research has documented the harmful effects of abusive supervision on either its victims or third parties (peer abusive supervision). The abusive supervision literature, however, neglects to investigate the spillover effects of abusive supervision through third-party employees’ (i.e., peers’) mistreatment actions toward victims. Drawing on social learning theory, we argue that third parties learn mistreatment behaviors from abusive leaders and then themselves impose peer harassment and peer ostracism on victims, thereby negatively affecting victims’ performance. Further, we posit that, if a victim has a proactive personality, this will weaken these indirect, negative effects. We conducted two studies, both with three-wave longitudinal data, to verify the hypotheses. The results of Study 1 evidence the significant indirect effects of abusive supervision on employee creative performance via both peer harassment and peer ostracism. Contrary to our moderation hypothesis, the analysis shows that victims’ proactive personality strengthens rather than weakens the negative indirect effects of peer harassment. Study 2 generally replicated the results of Study 1 with employee’s objective job performance as outcome. Our research contributes to the abusive supervision literature by highlighting a social learning process of third-party peer mistreatment, suggesting a spillover channel of abusive supervision on the victim’s performance

31 August 2020

Contempt, Bullying and Judicial Stress

In Attorney-General (Qld) v Mathews [2020] QSC 258 Jackson J has considered contempt (specifically scandalising the court) after Mathews displayed two signs at his house that stated a Court of Appeal judge and the Court of Appeal are corrupt and that a magistrate is likely corrupt. The case is of interest regarding the implied freedom of political communication, defamation and contempt.

Mathews has featured in several judgments, including Mathews v Cooper and Ors [2017] QCA 322, Mathews v Morgan [2005] QSC 222, Cooper v Mathews; Mathews v Corp of the Synod of the Diocese of Brisbane and Ors (No 2) [2018] QSC 64, Mathews v Commissioner of Police [2015] QCA 284, Mathews v State of Queensland [2015] FCA 1264, Mathews v University of Queensland [2002] FCA 414 and Brisbane City Council v Russell Gordon Haig Mathews [2006] QSC 25.

In GRC Crown Law v Mathews; Mathews v Corp of the Synod of the Diocese of Brisbane [2017] QSC 64 Jackson J characterised Mathews' litigation as vexatious, commenting 

the amount of the damages claimed is unjustifiable. The claim of $500,000 being for loss of use of the facilities of the house is not supported by any pleaded facts. The claim for $12,600,700 for compensatory damages is not supported by any pleaded facts. The claim for $100 million dollars for aggravated and exemplary damages is perhaps the high water mark in a sea of absurdity of unjustifiable claims. Second, the alleged conspiracy or conspiracies are unsupported by any allegation of facts as to making any agreement or acts from which any alleged agreement may be inferred.

In this instance the Supreme Court states

 [1] This is an application for contempt of court. The contempt alleged is of the variety known as scandalising the court. The conduct alleged is that the respondent published and displayed two signs at his house at 119 Brisbane Road, Booval. One sign (“CA and Morrison sign”) stated: “Court of Appeal and Judge Morrison are CORRUPT. HaigReport.com/CAM” 

[2] The other sign (“MacCallum sign”) stated: “Magistrate Donna MacCallum is likely CORRUPT" 

[3] The applicant alleges publication and display of each sign was an offence on the ground that the sign scandalises the relevant judicial officer or court and gives rise to a real risk of undermining public confidence in the administration of justice and lessening public confidence in the impartiality and honesty of the judicial officer and court concerned. 

[4] For each alleged offence the orders sought are that the respondent be (convicted and) ordered to pay a fine. 

[5] Further, the applicant applied for an injunction that the respondent remove both signs within seven days and, if he fails to do so, an order that the sheriff of the Supreme Court is authorised to enter his premises to remove and dispose of the signs as the sheriff sees fit. Further, the applicant applied for an injunction restraining the respondent from erecting any sign that asserts any court or judicial officer of the State of Queensland is or is likely to be corrupt. 

Facts 

[6] On 14 January 2019, a title search was conducted of the land located at 119 Brisbane Road, Booval. The search showed that the respondent was the registered owner of the land. 

[7] On 21 January 2019, a senior registrar of the Ipswich Magistrates and District Court Registry took a photograph of the two signs in question. Their content is accurately described above. They appeared among a number of signs erected inside and above the fence in front of the respondent’s house as well as on the house that were visible to passing road traffic. 

[8] Between 21 January 2019 and 13 March 2019, both signs were maintained in that position. After that, the MacCallum sign was taken down. 

[9] On 17 January 2019, the director of Courts Innovations Program, Magistrates Courts Service as acting principal registrar and executive director of the Magistrates Courts Service wrote to the respondent about the sign in respect of MacCallum SM. The letter requested the respondent to immediately remove that sign and advised that if he did not, it was possible the matter may be referred to the Attorney-General who had the authority to institute a proceeding against him for contempt of court. 

[10] On 2 February 2019, the respondent replied to the acting principal registrar by a long and rambling email denying, inter alia, that he had a case to answer because he “had not stated that [MacCallum SM] IS corrupt; just that there is a possibility, a mathematical probability or likelihood.” 

[11] On 31 January 2019, the executive director of the Supreme, District and Land Court service wrote to the respondent about the sign in respect of the Court of Appeal and Morrison JA. The letter requested the respondent to remove the sign forthwith and confirm that he had done so and advised that if the respondent failed promptly to remove the sign, consideration would be given to whether proceedings should be brought against him for contempt of court. 

[12] On 8 February 2019, the respondent replied to the executive director by email attempting to justify his allegations of corruption against the Court of Appeal and Morrison JA. 

[13] On 7 April 2019, the CA and Morrison sign was still displayed but the MacCallum sign was not displayed. [14] On 16 April 2019, this application was started by originating application. 

[15] As at the date of the hearing of this application neither of the signs was displayed. 

Applicant’s submissions 

[16] The applicant submits that the facts in evidence prove that: (a) the respondent published and displayed the signs; (b) the MacCallum sign was published and displayed from 21 January 2019 to 13 March 2019; and (c) the CA and Morrison sign was published and displayed from 21 January 2019 to 7 April 2019. 

[17] The applicant further submits that the responsibility of the respondent for the publication and display of the signs can be inferred from his ownership of the land and: (a) in respect of the CA and Morrison sign, the respondent’s statement in his email to the executive director that:

“The definitely amorphous manner in which Morrison [JA] dismissed my valid claims properly pleaded is a clear indication of possible corruption... the fact that two other judges [sic] of the Court of Appeal agreed with him indicates that the Court of Appeal is corrupt... All statements on my sheets of corflute are political statements about Queensland and Australian government and politics...I have political publications on my property... My political publications are exposing corruption in Qld.” (b) in respect of the MacCallum sign, the respondent’s statement in his email to the acting principal registrar that: “I have not stated that MacCallum [SM] IS corrupt; just that there is a possibility, a mathematical probability or likelihood.”

[18] The applicant submits that each of the corruption allegations made in the signs is a contempt of court because it was a direct attack on the integrity of the named judicial officer and, in respect of the CA and Morrison sign, the judges who constituted the Court of Appeal. 

[19] The applicant submits that the statements were contemptuous as: baseless attacks on the integrity or impartiality of the court or a judge; comments that tend to induce a lack of confidence in the ordered and fearless administration of justice; and unjustified allegations that a judge had acted in bad faith or had failed to act with the impartiality required of a judicial officer. The applicant submits that the statements were calculated to impair public confidence in the named judicial officers and the Court of Appeal and thereby diminish their authority and there was a real risk that the statements so publicly visible would undermine the public confidence in the administration of justice. 

[20] The applicant submits that the statements were not governmental or political speech which commented, in good faith, on matters of public importance, including the administration of justice that were merely mistaken or wrongheaded, even if outspoken. 

The offence of contempt by scandalising the court 

[21] Contempt of court by scandalising the court is a criminal contempt as it is not concerned with non-compliance with an order of the court but is directed against interfering with the administration of justice. It is necessary to further identify the legal basis. 

[22] Criminal contempt of court is a species of criminal offence, but it is unlike other offences in some ways. It is prosecuted in a summary way before this court under the rules of court, although it remains a criminal offence at common law in this jurisdiction. Its continuing operation as a criminal offence at common law follows from the fact that the authority of courts of record to punish a person summarily for an offence commonly known as “contempt of court” was excepted in 1899 from the exclusive operation of the Criminal Code and other statutes in respect of indictable offences. 

[23] The offence of contempt by scandalising the court is rarely prosecuted but it has been reconsidered in recent years. For example, following a recommendation of the Law Commission of England and Wales in 2012, the parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain repealed the common law offence of contempt by scandalising the court altogether. Other jurisdictions have moved to abolish the common law offence but replace it with a narrower statutory offence. In a recent speech, a member of this court considered the operation of the principles affecting contempt by scandalising the court in detail. 

[24] Although brought by way of summary procedure, and although accordingly the proceeding is a civil proceeding in structure, the application is nevertheless a proceeding that seeks relief by way of (conviction and) punishment for a criminal offence. The applicant submits that the punishment should be the imposition of a fine in respect of each offence. The rules of court specifically deal with the power to impose a punishment including, if the respondent is an individual, that the court may punish the individual by making an order that may be made under the Penalties and Sentences Act 1992 (Qld). 

[25] However, the orders that may be made by way of conviction and punishment for an offence of contempt by scandalising the court, including the powers under the Penalties and Sentences Act, do not include a power to grant an injunction restraining a future offence or an order authorising the sheriff to enter the respondent’s land to remove and dispose of the signs. 

[26] Although there is no power to do so as an order upon conviction for an offence of contempt by scandalising the court, the court has power in its civil jurisdiction to grant an injunction to restrain a contempt and to prevent its continuation or threatened repetition, including a mandatory or prohibitory injunction. Gibbs CJ once expressed the point in this way: “A superior court which has power to punish contempts, and which also has power to issue injunctions, may grant an injunction to restrain a threatened contempt.” 

[27] But, an application for an injunction is a civil proceeding, properly so-called, not a hybrid proceeding for a criminal offence. The standard of proof on an application for an injunction is the civil standard, namely on the balance of probabilities. The standard of proof on the hybrid proceeding for the criminal offence of contempt by scandalising the court is the criminal standard, namely beyond reasonable doubt. 

[28] It follows from the different natures of the two proceedings that in a proceeding for punishment for a criminal offence of contempt by scandalising the court it is inappropriate to join a civil claim for an injunction, as two intermediate appellate courts in other jurisdictions have decided. 

[29] Accordingly, at the commencement of the hearing, the court required the applicant to elect between the injunctive relief applied for and proceeding by way of punishment for the offence of contempt by scandalising the court. The applicant elected to proceed upon the application for punishment for the criminal offence. 

In part, the proceeding is brought in this court in relation to an alleged contempt by scandalising a magistrate. The Magistrates Court has statutory power to deal with all contempts, but has no power to grant an injunction in respect of a threatened contempt. However, this court has “all jurisdiction necessary for the administration of justice in Queensland”, is the “superior court of record in Queensland and the Supreme Court general jurisdiction in and for the State” and “has, subject to the Commonwealth Constitution, unlimited jurisdiction at law, in equity, and otherwise.”As such, it retains jurisdiction over contempts committed against inferior courts as an aspect of its “traditional general supervisory function”. 

[31] The primary question is whether the respondent’s statements, that a court and a judicial officer “are corrupt” and another judicial officer “is likely corrupt”, scandalise the court or the judicial officer in a way that amounts to the offence. Summarising, in my view, two relevant considerations arise: first, is there a real risk as a matter of practical reality that the impugned conduct has a tendency to undermine the confidence of the public in the administration of justice and lower the authority of the court; second, is an element of mens rea required to constitute the offence and, if so, is it proved? 

[32] The respondent asserted that his publications are protected by the constitutional implied freedom of communications on governmental and political matters but it was decided at an interlocutory stage of this proceeding that the contention did not involve a matter under the Constitution or involving its interpretation because the question was foreclosed by binding or persuasive authority against it. Accordingly, I do not reconsider it.

In Adacot & Sowle [2020] FamCAFC 215 the Full Court has considered claims that excessive judicial intervention amounted to an unfair trial, judicial bullying involved an abuse of judicial position and that there was apprehended bias

The judgment states 

On 26 September 2019 Judge Andrew of the Federal Circuit Court made parenting and property settlement orders in proceedings between Ms Sowle (“the mother”) and Mr Adacot (“the father”). The parenting orders concern the parties’ child, B, who was born in 2013, and the primary issue for determination was the mother’s wish to relocate the child’s residence away from New South Wales to Brisbane. The primary judge ordered the parties to have equal shared parental responsibility for the child and that she live with the mother in Brisbane. His Honour also made orders providing for the child and the father to spend time together. The father appeals the primary judge’s orders and while the Notice of Appeal filed on 24 October 2019 contains a number of separate challenges to the orders, only one ground was pressed on appeal, namely that the primary judge’s conduct led to an apprehension of bias and denied the father of a fair trial. When fleshed out in the written and oral arguments, the father’s contention is that the primary judge’s conduct towards the father’s legal representatives in the trial, was such that it not only gave rise to an apprehension of bias but also robbed the proceedings of any semblance of fairness and, as a result the proceedings miscarried. 

A challenge to a primary judge’s impartiality goes to the heart of the trial process and even if other challenges to the primary judge’s orders failed and even if the judge is found to be correct “... this does not assuage the impression that there was an apprehension of bias” (see Concrete Pty Ltd v Parramatta Design & Developments Pty Ltd [2006] HCA 55; (2006) 229 CLR 577 per Kirby and Crennan JJ at [117]). It was contended for the father that almost from the outset of the hearing, which took place over three days, the primary judge was critical, dismissive, sarcastic and rude to the father’s Queen’s Counsel and attempted to humiliate him. Further, the father contends that the primary judge treated the father’s solicitor in the same way when that solicitor took over following the withdrawal of the father’s Queen’s Counsel. Counsel for the mother argued that while the primary judge’s comments may have been capable of perception as “forceful”, “dogmatic”, “ultra-formalist”, “interventionist”, “formal” and “abrupt”, they were directed at Queen’s Counsel for the father, and not at the father, and therefore his Honour’s comments do not demonstrate an apprehended bias against the father himself. It was further submitted that the primary judge’s comments, directed as they were to the father’s legal representatives, were separate from the facts and merits of the case. ... 

The conduct complained of here is not, as is perhaps more usually encountered, one of excessive intervention by a primary judge into the questioning of a witness. Here, the complaint refers to the primary judge’s treatment of the father’s legal representatives. Indeed, no complaint is made about his Honour’s conduct during the taking of evidence from the witnesses. 

We start with Jones v National Coal Board [1957] EWCA Civ 3; [1957] 2 QB 55 at 67, where it was said: There is one thing to which everyone in this country is entitled, and that is a fair trial at which he can put his case properly before the judge. ... No cause is lost until the judge has found it so; and he cannot find it without a fair trial, nor can we affirm it. (see also Stead v State Government Insurance Commission [1986] HCA 54; (1986) 161 CLR 141 at 145). In Galea v Galea (1990) 19 NSWLR 263 (“Galea”), Kirby A-CJ with whom Meagher JA agreed said at 281:

The test to be applied is whether the excessive judicial questioning or perjorative [sic] comments have created a real danger that the trial was unfair. If so, the judgment must be set aside. ... Where a complaint is made of excessive questioning or inappropriate comment, the appellate court must consider whether such interventions indicate that a fair trial has been denied to a litigant because the judge has closed his or her mind to further persuasion, moved into counsel’s shoes and “into the perils of self-persuasion”... The decision on whether the point of unfairness has been reached must be made in the context of the whole trial and in the light of the number, length, terms and circumstances of the interventions... (Citations omitted) 

This was a hearing of property settlement and child-related proceedings. In respect of the latter there is a statutory mandate that the primary judge actively direct, control and manage them (s 69ZM(4) of the Family Law Act 1975 (Cth) (“the Act”)) and with as little formality and legal technicality and form as possible (s 69ZM(7) and s 97(3) of the Act). This active control, however, cannot be so intrusive that it jeopardises a fair trial. Whilst there is a wide latitude in how a primary judge conducts a case, particularly in child-related proceedings, there is no warrant to descend to what has been described as “palm tree justice” (R v Watson; Ex parte Armstrong [1976] HCA 39; (1976) 136 CLR 248 at 257). In Royal Guardian Mortgage Management Pty Ltd v Nguyen [2016] NSWCA 88; (2016) 332 ALR 128 (“Royal Guardian”), a case in which the challenge to the decision rested in the primary judge’s interventions in the trial process, Basten JA said:

[16] ... there are important institutional characteristics at stake, as helpfully identified by Lord Brown in Michel v R. In such a case, as Lord Brown explained by reference to the position of the appellant: “He is denied too the basic right underlying the adversarial system of trial, whether by jury or Jurats: that of having an impartial judge to see fair play in the conduct of the case against him. Under the common law system one lawyer makes the case against the accused, another his case in response, and a third holds the balance between them, ensuring that the case against the accused is properly and fairly advanced in accordance with the rules of evidence and procedure. ... The core principle, that under the adversarial system the judge remains aloof from the fray and neutral during the elicitation of the evidence, applies no less to civil litigation than to criminal trials. (Footnotes omitted)

Basten JA continued:

[18] These statements are not merely aspirational; they describe the judicial function. Nor is the problem necessarily analysed as one involving an appearance of pre-judgment. The idea that the judge must maintain the appearance of impartiality, by maintaining an appropriate degree of detachment, are essential aspects of his or her function as the officer presiding in the court...

In R v T, WA (2014) 118 SASR 382, Kourakis CJ said: .

.. If an intervention gives an apprehension of bias it will also, of necessity, show that the capacity to objectively and dispassionately evaluate the evidence has been compromised. However, there will be some, probably fewer, interventions which, even though they do not suggest prejudgment, show that the judicial officer has lost the advantage of judicial detachment which he or she would otherwise have enjoyed as a judge adhering to the common law adversarial method of trial.

In Ellis v The Queen [2015] NSWCCA 262, the Court of Criminal Appeal said:

Although a number of these decisions seem to be based on the proposition that the conduct of the judge founded a reasonable apprehension of bias, that is not necessarily the case. A miscarriage of justice will occur in circumstances where the conduct of the judge prevents a party from properly presenting his or her case...

It is against this legal background that we turn to consider the nature, quality and extent of the primary judge’s interventions. 

The Summary of Argument filed by the father on 27 March 2020 raised not only what the primary judge said but also his Honour’s tone of voice. In order to have a complete understanding of the appeal, the audio recording of the trial was obtained and with the consent of counsel, we have listened to the transcript and noted his Honour’s tone of voice while addressing comments to the father’s lawyers. 

For the reasons that follow, we are of the view that the nature, intensity, frequency and content of the primary judge’s interventions and remarks to the lawyers for the father gave rise to an apprehension of bias and had the effect of denying him a fair trial. ... 

The proceedings on the third day did not get off to a smooth start. There was much about the presentation and appearance of the father’s Queen’s Counsel with which his Honour took issue. After an adjournment, Queen’s Counsel announced that his instructions had been withdrawn and he sought leave to withdraw. Leave was granted. The father’s instructing solicitor took over. The primary judge’s treatment of and conduct towards the father’s solicitor was such that it could bear no description other than taking inappropriate advantage of the undoubted power imbalance that exists between the judge and the lawyer and, indeed, counsel for the mother conceded during oral argument on the appeal that it amounted to bullying by the judge. 

We propose to identify the primary judge’s behaviour in categories and given the sustained nature of the primary judge’s conduct, provide one or perhaps two examples to illustrate our findings. However, that we have included only some of his Honour’s comments should not be taken as indicating that those not included were any less worthy of denunciation.... 

The aspersions cast by the primary judge on the honesty of the father’s Queens Counsel were without justification and should not have been made. 

Impugning the professionalism of the father’s Queen’s Counsel 

His Honour’s criticism of Queen’s Counsel’s professionalism covered not only the preparation and presentation of the matter, but also Queen’s Counsel’s conduct in court, dress and demeanour. .... 

On a number of occasions, the primary judge was apparently affronted by the behaviour of the father’s Queen’s Counsel, although it is difficult to understand quite what the problem was and it is quite apparent from Queens’ Counsel’s responses that he too was unsure what transgression he had committed. The criticisms were couched in oblique terms “that’s a further amplification of your behaviour”, “you’re running very close” and “you know exactly what you just did”. On several occasions the primary judge told Queen’s Counsel not to be “presumptive [sic]” or “obtuse”.  ... The oblique way in which his Honour’s criticisms of Queen’s Counsel for the father were couched makes it very difficult to understand, as Queen’s Counsel clearly found, how his conduct was wanting. Equally so is his Honour’s use of the term “a fortiori”, however we see no point in attempting to delve further into that. 

There was no basis for the primary judge to impugn the professionalism of the father’s Queens Counsel in the manner he did or at all. 

Rudeness to the father’s Queen’s Counsel 

As ought to be apparent from the comments instanced above, much of his Honour’s discourse with Queen’s Counsel was couched using rude and intemperate language. 

On three occasions when attempting to make submissions, Queen’s Counsel took his Honour to a particular place in a document and read the commencing words aloud – and his Honour remarked “I can read English”. 

On another occasion his Honour referred to a paragraph in an affidavit, and in response Queen’s Counsel attempted to read out part of the paragraph to the primary judge and his Honour interrupted to instruct Queen’s Counsel not to read the passage to him. 

On a number of occasions his Honour asked Queen’s Counsel to “[a]ttend”. The first time it occurred his Honour explained that he meant “pay attention”.[37] His Honour felt the need to refresh Queen’s Counsel’s memory as to what he required when discussing the inspection of subpoenaed documents. ... The primary judge told Queen’s Counsel that he had been responsible for wasting time. In his defence, Queen’s Counsel said that he did not have control of the running of a particular matter, appearing as he did for the father, to which his Honour said: “[w]ell, you seem to have done a damn good job so far taking up in excess of half a day for effectively nothing”. 

Having listened to the audio version of the transcript, we are struck by the stark difference in the primary judge’s tone and terms of address between when his Honour addressed counsel for the mother and Queen’s Counsel for the father which is consistent with the nature of his Honour’s remarks to the father’s lawyers and aligns with the complaint made by the father in his Summary of Argument. 

Hectoring, bullying, insulting and demeaning 

As we have said, after approximately two hours or so of the third day of the hearing, Queen’s Counsel for the father sought his Honour’s leave to withdraw from the proceedings. In submissions on the appeal, counsel, who had also appeared before the primary judge, submitted that he considered that, given his Honour’s personal attacks on him, for him to withdraw would improve the atmosphere in the proceedings. It did not. If possible, his Honour’s conduct worsened, and rather than attempt to describe it, we propose to set out what he said. ... Nor was the father’s solicitor spared his Honour’s rudeness. 

At a point in the primary judge’s hounding of the solicitor to hand up a Case Outline, the solicitor, having already informed his Honour that he did not have one, told his Honour that he was having difficulty understanding what his Honour wanted of him ... 

Unfortunately, the solicitor’s attempts to explain the circumstances of the father’s non-attendance were thwarted by his Honour’s constant interruptions. ... 

At this point, as the primary judge observed, the solicitor was “left speechless” and left floundering to the point of admitting that he did not know what the primary judge wanted him to say. The primary judge’s conduct had resulted in the solicitor feeling unable to make any meaningful submission in the matter.

In considering apprehended bias and an unfair trial the Full Court states 

The father contends that the primary judge’s interventions, their content and frequency gave rise to an apprehension of bias that no matter what the father’s case was, it would not be accepted and his Honour’s interventions were such that they prevented the father’s case from being presented and denied him a fair trial. Whether conduct gives rise to an apprehension of bias is answered by considering whether a fair-minded and informed lay observer might reasonably apprehend that the judge might not bring an impartial and unprejudiced mind to the resolution of the issues in the case, such that he or she was not open to persuasion, rather than whether he or she did so (see Johnson v Johnson (2000) 201 CLR 488 at [11]; Ebner v Official Trustee in Bankruptcy [2000] HCA 63; (2000) 205 CLR 337 at [6]–[8]). 

It was argued for the mother that the primary judge’s comments did not raise an apprehension of bias because his Honour reserved his criticism for the father’s lawyers and directed it to preparation and presentation of the father’s case rather than it being directed to the father. We do not agree. 

While the lion’s share of two of the three days of the hearing were taken up by his Honour’s criticisms of the father’s legal team, his Honour made several references to the father “swanning around” the Gold Coast in a most dismissive way. Although counsel for the mother sought to characterise that comment as being merely part of his Honour’s use of the vernacular in discourse with the father’s solicitor, a consideration of those comments in the context of his Honour’s comments during the trial lead us to no other conclusion than he was dismissing the explanation for the father’s non-attendance in court, reducing his account of spending time with the parties’ child to “swanning around the Gold Coast”. However, that is not to the point. 

His Honour’s interventions and comments about the father’s legal representatives are sufficient to satisfy the test. It would introduce unacceptable artificiality if there was an attempt to minimise the effect of these interventions and comments because the primary judge did not behave in the same way when the evidence was being given. 

As we have said, the nature, content and number of his Honour’s interruptions, criticisms and ad hominem attacks on Queen’s Counsel for the father, of themselves, drive the conclusion that the fair-minded observer might apprehend that the primary judge might not bring an impartial mind to the determination of the issues as they impacted the father’s case. 

Indeed, such a fair-minded observer might well think that his Honour bore significant animus towards Queen’s Counsel. Equally the primary judge’s treatment of the father’s solicitor, when he took over the conduct of the hearing, was hectoring, insulting, belittling, sarcastic and rude and that conduct too would, in our opinion, lead the impartial observer to the relevant apprehension. 

The father contends that the primary judge’s conduct and interventions prevented him from receiving a fair trial. 

Returning to the legal construct to which we earlier referred, in Royal Guardian Ward JA said:

[169] In this Court, the issue of judicial intervention was considered in Ellis v R [2015] NSWCCA 262 (Ellis). There, the Court (Bathurst CJ; R A Hulme and Garling JJ) noted the dangers resulting from excessive intrusion by a trial judge in adversarial proceedings as including the inability of a judge who has “descended into the arena” properly to assess the demeanour of a witness and the possibility of creating the impression of pre-judgment. The Court emphasised that the ultimate question is always whether the intervention was unjustifiable and resulted in a miscarriage of justice. 

In Gambaro v Mobycom Mobile Pty Ltd [2019] FCAFC 144; (2019) 271 FCR 530, an appeal concerning excessive judicial intervention, Greenwood and Rangiah JJ said: ... It is a part of the judicial function of deciding cases to question and challenge the submissions being made. After all, a judge must be able to understand the competing arguments and their consequences in order to decide which is the correct or preferable argument. The questioning and testing of submissions may legitimately be vigorous and robust. However, it must be balanced by the requirements of procedural fairness. Procedural fairness requires that each party be allowed a reasonable opportunity to present their case... (Citations omitted)

In Galea at 281, Kirby AC-J referred to the principles relevant to excessive judicial intervention and said:

... The test to be applied is whether the excessive judicial questioning or pejorative comments have created a real danger that the trial was unfair. If so, the judgment must be set aside ... (Citations omitted)

As recently as this year, the Full Court in Finch & Finch [2020] FamCAFC 60; (2020) FLC 93-949 had cause to revisit these principles and at [16] said, inter alia: .

.. (c) The evaluation of whether interventions are excessive involves an assessment and balancing of the appropriate role and limits of judicial engagement and management, with the need for the appearance of detachment, and the provision of fairness... ... (e) Nonetheless the judge must not assume the role of advocate, or be unduly intimidatory, interventionist or directionist, nor unduly press so-called “preliminary views”... (Citations omitted)

The primary judge’s interventions could not be regarded as justified even if some delay or inconvenience was caused by reason of the raising of the interlocutory applications late in the piece. The tone, nature and ferocity of his Honour’s comments could never be seen as justified, and in our view resulted in the father not receiving a fair trial and raised the identified apprehended bias, that no matter what the father’s case was as presented, it would be rejected.

In concluding the Court states

... as we have indicated, we find the ground made out and conclude that the primary judge, by his conduct, squarely raised an apprehension of bias and failed to afford the father a fair trial. 

We feel bound to add here that the primary judge’s interventions, his cruel, insulting, humiliating and rude interactions with the father’s Queen’s Counsel and his solicitor, amounted to an abuse of the power of his position and, in our view must be redressed by allowing the appeal lest the integrity of the judicial system be undermined. 

We conclude by referring to Toner v Attorney-General (NSW) [1991] NSWCA 267, in which the New South Wales Court of Appeal considered a contretemps between counsel and the presiding judge which resulted in the presiding judge finding that counsel was in contempt. In the course of dismissing the finding of contempt, the Court of Appeal (Kirby P, Clarke JA and Hope AJA) said at 15:

... It is the duty of counsel and judicial officers to conduct themselves in a temperate manner. It is the nature of court proceedings that they will often be charged with emotion. Only by observing restraint will the legal representatives of parties, and judicial officers be able to ensure the orderly, proper and expeditious disposition of the proceedings in which they take part... (Citations omitted)

Further, at 21 their Honours said:

... Whilst there are duties of courtesy imposed upon legal representatives as a coronary [sic] of the privileges they enjoy as advocates, there is a correlative duty in judicial officers to listen patiently and carefully and to retain self control at all times... (Citations omitted)

Clearly then the finding that the primary judge failed to afford the father a fair trial and the apprehension of bias dictates that the appeal be allowed. 

It was accepted that in the event of the appeal being successful, the matter must be remitted to the Federal Circuit Court to be heard by a judge other than the primary judge.

We might recall Michael Kirby's 'Judicial Stress and Judicial Bullying' in (2014) 14(1) QUT Law Review referring to the inherent features of the judicial function that are prone to occasion stress amongst office holders. 

The isolation and frequent loneliness of the work. The pressure of growing case-loads without commensurate increases in support, resources and salaries. The common lack of specific training, save for on-the-job observance of earlier appointees. The unavailability (available in most other senior positions) of delegation of the essential decision-making responsibility. The frequent lack of feelings, and expression, of appreciation for work conscientiously performed. The susceptibilities to mid-life pressures; emotional, sexual and physical crises. The added stress of frequent changes in the law and the need to adapt to new and unfamiliar legal doctrine and to technological innovations. The particular stresses of rural, appellate and leadership positions .... As well, I elsewhere described the media and political attacks on the judiciary, who were usually disabled from responding.

19 May 2019

Bullying

The 130 page Us Too? Bullying and Sexual Harassment in the Legal Profession report from the International Bar Association, attracting much (and alas distinctly superficial, given the problematical nature of the source data and interpretation) attention, comments
The legal profession has a problem. In 2018, the International Bar Association (IBA) and market research company Acritas conducted the largest-ever global survey on bullying and sexual harassment in the profession. Nearly 7,000 individuals from 135 countries responded to the survey, from across the spectrum of legal workplaces: law firms, in-house, barristers’ chambers, government and the judiciary. The results provide empirical confirmation that bullying and sexual harassment are rife in the legal profession. Approximately one in two female respondents and one in three male respondents had been bullied in connection with their employment. One in three female respondents had been sexually harassed in a workplace context, as had one in 14 male respondents. This report provides a succinct analysis of that data, to raise awareness about the nature, extent and impact of the problem and inform the development of solutions. 
This report finds that these issues are ongoing, with a considerable proportion of cases occurring within the past 12 months. It identifies chronic underreporting of incidents, with 57% of bullying cases and 75% of sexual harassment cases not reported, for reasons including the profile of the perpetrator and the target’s fear of repercussions. Even when targets report such incidents, workplaces are failing them – official responses are considered insufficient or negligible, perpetrators are rarely sanctioned and, in many cases, the situation is exacerbated. Bullying and sexual harassment hurt the profession. According to the survey data, targets often want to move workplaces, and some even wish to leave the sector entirely. Legal workplaces are not doing enough. This report finds that policies – while present in more than half of workplaces – are not having the desired effect. Although training does have some positive impact, only one in five legal workplaces are educating their staff to prevent and properly respond to bullying and sexual harassment. 
Change is needed. This report provides ten recommendations to assist legal workplaces and the profession as a whole in addressing these issues. The recommendations are underpinned by the empirical findings of this survey, extensive secondary research and consultation with stakeholders. Change will not occur overnight, particularly as these issues are not unique to the legal profession but reflective of wider societal challenges. Yet there are compelling moral, ethical and commercial imperatives for the profession to act urgently. Individually and together, legal professionals and the legal profession must eliminate bullying and sexual harassment from our workplaces. It is hoped that this report can make a modest contribution towards genuine change.
The IBA makes the following recommendations
 1. Raise awareness The legal profession has a problem. Spread the word – it is the first step towards achieving change. 
2. Revise and implement policies and standards Policies to address bullying and sexual harassment are under-utilised and not sufficiently effective. We need more effective policies and better implementation. 
3. Introduce regular, customised training Effective training can reduce the prevalence of workplace bullying and sexual harassment. Training must be the norm, not the exception. 
4. Increase dialogue and best-practice sharing A problem shared is a problem halved. Let’s work together to address the scourge of bullying and sexual harassment in the profession, sharing what works and what doesn’t. 
5. Take ownership This is everyone’s problem. From senior leaders of the profession to incoming graduates, we all need to take ownership of the problem and work towards a more harmonious legal profession. 
6. Gather data and improve transparency Data about the nature, prevalence and impact of bullying and sexual harassment is important – we don’t have enough. Once we have the data, we need to be open about it. Transparency will help us to address these issues. 
7. Explore flexible reporting models Legal professionals do not report bullying or sexual harassment often enough, at the time it happens or at all. We need to improve existing reporting channels and explore new ones, to make reporting a better experience for targets.  
8. Engage with younger members of the profession Younger legal professionals are disproportionately impacted by bullying and sexual harassment. They must be part of this conversation – they will play a major role in developing and implementing solutions and shaping workplace culture. 
9. Appreciate the wider context Bullying and sexual harassment do not occur in a vacuum. Mental health challenges, a lack of workplace satisfaction and insufficient diversity are all related issues. These dynamics need to be understood and addressed collectively.about the nature, prevalence and impact of bullying and sexual harassment is important – we don’t have enough. Once we have the data, we need to be open about it. Transparency will help us to address these issues. 
10. Maintain momentum Change is not inevitable. But it is possible, if individuals, workplaces and institutions work together to eradicate bullying and sexual harassment from the profession. 
The IBA comments
This survey has demonstrated that policies and training to address bullying and sexual harassment are: (1) not sufficiently widespread in the legal profession; and (2) not having the desired positive impact to the extent required. Recent research has suggested several possibilities for addressing the first of these barriers. In certain parts of the US, training is mandatory for employers above a particular size – those with more than 50 managerial employees in California and Connecticut, and just 15 in Maine. Additionally, policies and/or training are often a requirement of consent decrees or conciliation agreements negotiated by employers with regulators or plaintiff lawyers. In India, employers with more than ten employees are required to establish an Internal Complaints Committee, with at least one external member, to hear sexual harassment complaints. The Internal Complaints Committee is also obligated to compile an annual report highlighting the number of complaints heard, the outcome of each complaint and all measures taken in the workplace to address harassment; this must be submitted to the employer and a local government office. At a workplace-wide level, legislatures might consider the efficacy of implementing such measures. 
At a sector-specific level, professional regulators might consider whether it is appropriate to require legal workplaces to implement policies. In the UK, the Bar Standards Board requires barristers’ chambers to have a written anti-harassment policy, which must state ‘that harassment will not be tolerated’ and set out procedures for dealing with complaints of harassment. A New Zealand Law Society working group recently recommended that a similar obligation be imposed on law firms, with conduct rules further requiring individual lawyers to prevent bullying and sexual harassment. The same report recommended that continuing legal education requirements could be used to encourage relevant training, and urged law schools and other providers to include ‘comprehensive training on harassment, bullying and discrimination issues’ in their ethics courses. 
While various ‘carrot and stick’ options are available to increase the prevalence of anti-bullying and sexual harassment policies and procedures, improving the efficacy of policies and training once they are implemented is less straightforward. As two experts have quipped, ‘one can have a terrific policy that does not make any difference in the workplace itself’. Another commentator, a former American judge, added: ‘training programs can be nothing more than kabuki rituals, in which the trainers intone the right words – the legally relevant words – without affecting behavior in the real world at all’. 
Common criticisms of policies include insufficient communication about their existence, a failure to properly incorporate policies into new staff induction procedures, no policy evaluation and revision protocol, and an absence of clarity regarding the manager responsible for handling complaints. Although there is no ‘golden bullet’, and research is ‘enormously challenging’ given the unique nature of each workplace and their policies, several steps may help. First, consistent and ongoing communication is essential in maximising the effectiveness of policies. The tone must be set from the top by executives and leadership teams, through role-modelling standards of conduct and championing policies and procedures. Intra-profession dialogue and best practice sharing – possibly facilitated by law societies and bar associations – may also be of assistance. Policies and training should also be assessed and revised from time to time: ‘Training is not enough without tests to see if the training is efficacious. The fact that a company has few formal complaints is not the measure of whether there is sexual harassment.

17 May 2019

Homophobia in the thin blue line

The Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission have released Proud, visible, safe report examines the experiences of LGBTIQ employees at Victoria Police.

The report states
Victoria Police have been increasingly visible in their support for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) Victorians and meeting the policing needs of Victorians with diverse sexual orientations and gender identities. It is clear that Victoria Police is committed to building an organisational culture of acceptance and inclusion for its LGBTI employees. The purpose of this report is to propel the work of Victoria Police toward a workplace culture that is inclusive of LGBTI employees. This report recognises and acknowledges the current and historical experiences of LGBTI employees in Victoria Police and aims to contribute insights that can further inform the positive work Victoria Police is already undertaking in line with its LGBTI Inclusion Strategy. 
In our research we heard about a range of experiences, both positive and negative. The experiences documented in this report are presented to Victoria Police to illuminate LGBTI employees’ experiences of workplace harm. These experiences shed light on why some employees are not willing or able to report workplace harm to their organisation, they identify the barriers that currently prevent them from reporting harm to managers, and they also provide insight into why bystanders do not feel motivated or empowered to stand up for their colleagues when they see harm. 
The Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission (the Commission) was told by many participants about their desire to see changes to Victoria Police’s workplace culture and the organisation’s response to workplace harm. Participants told the Commission that in coming forward with their experiences, they hoped there would be action in their organisation to make it a safer and more inclusive one where workplace harm was not tolerated. 
The Commission heard that current initiatives such as workplace harm training had improved the culture in their workplaces. The Commission also heard about workplaces that were known to be inclusive of their LGBTI employees. The Commission heard that a key factor in setting this workplace culture was strong leadership. Strong leadership meant managers who were inclusive of their LGBTI colleagues, such as supporting days of LGBTI significance in their stations, who wore rainbow lanyards or had rainbow flags and stickers in their offices. They also lead by example, modelling appropriate behaviour and intervening when they observed inappropriate behaviour occurring. 
The Commission notes  that certain aspects of the homophobia that characterised policing culture in the 1980s and 1990s is still present in some Victoria Police workplaces and that there currently remains a tolerance for homophobic and transphobic comments in some workplaces.
The Commission was told about homophobic and transphobic comments and jokes in Victoria Police workplaces. We were told that this behaviour is currently normalised in certain workplaces, where it is seen as ‘banter’ between colleagues.
There is still a culture of ‘banter’ within the police force. I am often gobsmacked when members, who know I identify as a gay man, still have no issues using phrases like ‘cocksucker’ and ‘knob jockey’ around me. (Participant)
In the last year I was part of a briefing where an Inspector made a throw away transphobic comment, and the whole room of 100 people laughed at it. (Participant) 
The Commission highlights that a culture that normalises homophobic and transphobic comments can enable other forms of workplace harm. 
Participants told the Commission that homophobia was sometimes expressed by other members telling them they didn’t want to work with someone who was gay. 
The Commission was told about one participant’s experience of exclusion: This Acting Sergeant … began telling staff members that he doesn’t like working with fags. The target was openly gay and noticed that this supervisor was quite evasive and eventually got to the point of the supervisor ignoring him and not even acknowledging his presence. (Participant) 
The Commission learned that this could also manifest in hostility toward colleagues during LGBTI days of celebration or significance. This Sergeant call the LGBTI communities ‘faggots’. On the Colour Purple Day he threw a gold coin donation into the tin and said ‘I don’t support this cause at all but I want a sausage with sauce’. (Participant) 
Participants told the Commission that the ‘everyday homophobia’ was part of an entrenched culture in certain workplaces. We were told that workplaces that were more male-dominated and where leaders did not call out inappropriate behaviour or address banter directly were more likely to have this entrenched culture. 
The Commission is concerned to hear that some incidents of workplace harm identified Sergeants, Senior Sergeants and Inspectors as the perpetrators. One participant told the Commission: There are many Senior Sergeants, Inspectors and Superintendents who are causing massive personal damage to people, yet nothing is done. (Participant) 
The Commission heard reports of recent incidents of aggressive homophobic comments directed toward gay Victoria Police employees, such as: I would have taken you out the back and flogged you back in my day. (Participant) 
One participant told the Commission about comments made in the presence of a number of employees, with no consequences for the perpetrator. The Acting Senior Sergeant made reference to tasking the van crew to attend at Flagstaff Gardens. A junior member asked ‘Why? Do you want us to go shooting possums?’ The Acting Senior Sergeant replied ‘No, I want you to go shooting homos and fags’. This was met with laughing from all present with the exception of myself. This Acting Senior Sergeant continues to be upgraded. (Participant) 
Another participant told the Commission about an incident that took place when he visited another station, which occurred in the presence of others: A Leading Senior Constable (LSC) looked me up and down in the muster room ... His exact comments were: ‘In my day, we took people like you out the back of the station and beat you with a hose’. (Participant) 
Another participant described comments made in a group conversation: One member made his view clear that, ‘All gays should be gassed in the chamber like the Nazis’ and another said, ‘they should be taken out the back of the station and shot in the head’. (Participant) 
Intrusive questions 
Participants also told the Commission about the frequency of intrusive questions about their lesbian, gay or bisexuality. Comments like ‘Who’s your boyfriend?’ or ‘Who’s your girlfriend?’ That kind of intrusive and invasive questioning and obsessing around someone’s gender identity or relationship status or if someone’s not believed to be heteronormative or that sort of intrusive questioning. (Participant) 
Such questioning highlights how a heteronormative culture enables or emboldens inappropriate questions by colleagues if a person is perceived to be ‘other’ than heterosexual. As a GLLO I have had my sexuality publicly questioned by a Sergeant in front of other colleagues, asked if my partner was also bisexual in order to love me. (Participant) 
The Commission learned that getting to know your colleagues is a central part of building trust in an operational environment. However, it is clear that for some gay and lesbian employees, questioning about their sexual or private lives is experienced in a different way to their straight colleagues and is intrusive and inappropriate.
The Commission's findings are summarised as
• Victoria Police has made significant steps in recent years toward inclusion of LGBTI employees, for example through the Chief Commissioner’s public support of marriage equality in 2017, the Gay and Lesbian Liaison Officers (GLLO) Program and the celebration of LGBTI days of significance See 2.2.2 Toward inclusion in the workplace 
• The current data collection methods of the organisation do not enable a robust understanding of the number of LGBTI employees See 2.1 LGBTI workforce 
• Homophobia and transphobia are tolerated in some Victoria Police workplaces. This enables workplace harm to occur. See 3.1.3 Homophobic and transphobic comments 
• LGBTI employees have, and continue to experience workplace harm including homophobic and transphobic comments, aggressive language, sexual harassment and discrimination. See Chapter 3 Experiences of discrimination and sexual harassment 
• The drivers of these behaviours are homophobia, transphobia, a hypermasculine and heteronormative culture and a tolerance or acceptance of this culture in certain workplaces See 3.3 Drivers 
• There are barriers to reporting LGBTI-related workplace harm, including: a lack of trust and confidence in internal reporting systems; a culture of not reporting workplace harm; fear of victimisation and reprisal; poor management responses to complaints from LGBTI employees; fear of being ‘outed’ and concern existing reporting pathways exclude LGBTI employees. See 4.2 Barriers to reporting 
• Formal complaints of LGBTI-related workplace harm are low. In the previous 18 months, one complaint of LGBTI-related harm was reported to the centralised triage and case-management system OneLink, and six matters were made to Taskforce Salus, a unit within Victoria Police set up to investigate incidents of sexual harassment and sex discrimination. Professional Standards Command (PSC) did not receive any LGBTI-related complaints. See 4.1 Low rates of reporting 
• Bystanders are generally unwilling to call out behaviours when they see them occurring, because they fear the repercussions for doing so, and there are challenges in calling out the behaviour of more senior employees. See 4.2.2 A culture of not reporting harm
The report provides guidance, responding to the Commission'sresearch findings by making recommendations in areas where Victoria Police can improve and strengthen its response to workplace harm experienced by LGBTI employees.
Taking action in these areas will help Victoria Police comply with its positive obligations under the Equal Opportunity Act 2010 and to meet its strategic vision for a more capable police organisation. The impacts of LGBTI-related workplace harm don’t just affect Victoria Police employees. They also have implications for policing, including the ability of Victoria Police to respond to and prevent prejudice motivated crimes within the community. Creating a safer and more inclusive organisation for LGBTI employees in Victoria Police will make the workplace a fairer and safer place for all Victoria Police employees and strengthen the organisation’s capability to better serve and protect all Victorians.
The guidance is summarised as
1. Workforce data • Enable employees to voluntarily record their sexual orientation or gender identity, which will enable Victoria Police to understand its employee demographics for the purpose of better protecting and promoting the inclusion of LGBTI employees. See 2.1 LGBTI workforce. 
2. Policies • Review workplace harm policies (including policies on sexual harassment; bullying, discrimination and harassment; complaints and discipline; and complaint management and investigation). Policies should use inclusive language; include current definitions of discrimination; and provide clear guidance to employees, managers and supervisors on the complaints process, confidentiality, protections from victimisation, responsibilities to take complaints seriously, available supports and bystander action. See 5.1.2. How to improve workplace harm policies. 
3. Workplace harm complaint processes • Ensure there are clear and consistent complaints pathways to workplace harm units and non-action reporting options. • Ensure workplace harm unit staff are trained to respond to sexual harassment and discrimination, including discrimination against LGBTI employees See 5.2.2 How to improve complaints handling. 
4. Training Workplace harm training • Ensure employees in workplace harm units have LGBTI subject matter expertise. • Provide training on LGBTI-related workplace harm and bystander action for managers and supervisors informed by LGBTI subject experts. See 5.2.2 How to improve complaints handling and 5.4.2 How to improve bystander action. LGBTI awareness training • Review curriculum materials for police and PSO recruits to address outdated content, inaccurate language and remove potentially prejudicial and harmful stereotypes • Provide LGBTI awareness and inclusion training for instructors • Expand the LGBTI Community Encounters session See 5.5.2 How to improve LGBTI awareness training. 
5. Messaging • Promote awareness of workplace harm policies, including the processes for reporting or making a complaint • Ensure organisation-wide messaging on workplace harm is clearly inclusive of LGBTI-related harm and that workplace harm reporting and complaint pathways are available for LGBTI-related workplace harm. • Promote organisation-wide messaging that Victoria Police will not tolerate homophobia, biphobia and transphobia and will not tolerate LGBTI-related harm, such as discrimination and sexual harassment See 5.3.2 How to improve workplace harm messaging. See also 5.1.2 How to improve policies and 5.2.2 How to improve complaints handling. 
6. Leadership • Leadership promote that Victoria Police will not tolerate homophobia, biphobia and transphobia and will not tolerate LGBTI-related harm, such as discrimination and sexual harassment • Improve LGBTI visibility by expanding the number of senior leaders who are Pride Champions, including allies. • Leadership promote LGBTI visibility by permitting employees to wear rainbow lanyards and badges • Regularly share best practice examples of inclusivity and safe workplaces. See 5.6.2 How to improve visibility and 5.7.2 How to improve sharing what works.

19 April 2019

MeToo

'Beyond #MeToo' by Deborah Tuerkheimer in (2019) New York University Law Review (Forthcoming) comments
 The #MeToo movement has ushered in a new kind of sexual misconduct accusation — accusation leveled through informal channels of communication. A functional analysis shows that unofficial reporting can advance important ends. But the rise of informal accusation should be of special concern to legal scholars and lawyers, who generally proceed from certain assumptions regarding the primacy of formal systems of accountability. These basic assumptions need revision if, by aiming to satisfy goals that our laws and legal institutions fail to achieve, informal reporting channels are serving as substitutes for the officially sanctioned mechanisms of accountability that monopolize scholarly attention. Unofficial reporting pathways are imperfect legal workarounds; their prevalence means that the law of sexual misconduct has been consigned to a relative state of quiescence. Over time, survivors, long disserved by the criminal law, by campus disciplinary processes, and by workplace complaint structures, have mostly turned away from the systems that have forsaken them. A needed redesign of official complaint channels should be informed by the benefits of informal reporting, along with a commitment to awakening law.

01 February 2019

Unhealthy Workplace

The Interim Report of the Independent Review into the Workplace Culture within ACT Public Health Services finds - no great surprise - that the culture in the Territory's public health services is not very health; in deed at times it is quite toxic.

The Interim Report states
 In September 2018, the ACT Minister for Health and Wellbeing, Meegan Fitzharris MLA issued a statement on workplace culture which committed the ACT Government to an independent review of the culture within the public health services. This report is the Interim Report, with a final report due before the end of March 2019. The purpose of this report is to present initial high-level findings and a range of recommendations to support improvements to the workplace culture across the ACT Public Health System. 
The Review operated in accordance with the following Terms of Reference: 
a) Examine and report on the workplace culture of public health care services in the ACT and provide advice on any systemic and institutional issues. This examination should take into account any examples of best practice workplace culture and professional conduct in the delivery of public health care in the ACT, nationally and internationally. 
b) Examine any claims made in relation to inappropriate conduct and behaviours related to the delivery of public health care services in the ACT, and provide advice on: i. best practice responses to such complaints; ii. whether referral of such complaints should be made to any other authority; and iii. what support services should be provided to complainants. 
c) Examine and report on the existing workforce policies and complaints management practices to ensure their relevance and appropriateness in achieving satisfactory outcomes for all parties. 
d) Provide findings and recommendations for: i. further improving workforce culture across the ACT public health system; and ii. additional support systems required for staff and management engaged in the delivery of public health services in the ACT, including processes, training and professional development.
The Review specifically excluded investigation of individual allegations of inappropriate workplace behaviour and bullying and harassment. Where clusters of complaints were received, the senior executive of the relevant arm of the ACT Public Health System was advised. Similarly, where the Reviewers were particularly concerned during interviews about the wellbeing of an individual, with the agreement of that individual, again, a senior executive was notified. Despite the scepticism expressed by some that this Review would achieve any more than previous attempts to improve the workplace culture, the overwhelming response to the call for submissions revealed a deep desire from staff and the community for change. ... 
The Reviewers complemented these sources of information with numerous individual interviews and forums with a broad spectrum of groups including medical practitioners, nurses, allied health workers, support and administrative staff, NGOs, consumers, executives and unions. These conversations enabled the Reviewers to test findings about the problems and issues, discuss areas of best practice and identify practical solutions. Prior to presenting the results, the Reviewers wish to emphasise the positive and professional approaches they witnessed in many areas of the ACT Public Health System and the dedication of both individuals and groups in the delivery of quality care. The Reviewers have been cautious to ensure these positive aspects are not lost within the report and instead, present opportunities to build the culture by leveraging off existing strengths. It should also be emphasised that the ACT Public Health System is not alone in health sector workplace culture issues of inappropriate behaviours, bullying, discrimination and harassment. All other States and Territory health services have identified similar issues in their workplace, as have studies in international health services. 
Turning to the findings, the submissions overwhelmingly highlighted:
  • inappropriate behaviours and bullying and harassment in the workplace 
  • inefficient procedures and processes including complaints handling 
  • inadequate training in dealing with inappropriate workplace practices 
  • inability to make timely decisions 
  • poor leadership and management at many levels throughout the ACT Public Health System, and 
  • inefficient and inappropriate Human Resource (HR) practices, including recruitment.
The results from the survey similarly pointed to a number of concerning trends with 60% of respondents having witnessed bullying over the past twelve months and 35% having experienced bullying themselves. Most of the bullying was staff-on-staff. Of great concern was that 12% of staff indicated they had been subjected to physical harm, sexual harassment or abuse at work. Of these staff, 46% indicated it was by someone they worked with and 37% was by a member of the public. Almost three in four who experienced bullying or were subjected to harm did not submit a formal complaint, and worryingly, only 22% of staff had confidence in the way grievances were resolved once they were identified and reported. 
The survey results were similar across all three arms of the ACT Public Health System (ie. Canberra Health Services, Calvary Public Hospital and the Health Directorate) and were worse than comparable data for NSW Health. 
The information gathered from submissions, individual and group interviews and the staff survey reveal a worrying and pervasive poor culture across the ACT Public Health System. There are pockets of high performance where staff are proud of the quality of their work and were keen to demonstrate it to the Reviewers. By contrast, there were areas where a very poor culture had persisted over many years, and where bullying and other poor performance had not been addressed. 
Pride in working for the ACT Public Health System is low, bullying is common and confidence in how the system resolves grievances is extremely low. These issues have been identified in previous reviews(3) and audits. A point regularly raised in submissions was that whilst the contribution of poor leadership over the past few years has led to this unhealthy workplace culture, it was also generally acknowledged that this poor culture had been present for many years. 
Cautious optimism was expressed by many regarding the new leadership in the Health Directorate, Canberra Health Services and Calvary Public Hospital. However, it was acknowledged by all that establishing a great health service was a long-term proposition. The Reviewers believe the starting point for the ambition to create a happier and healthier health service requires a concerted effort by all parties and partners to ensure the vision and values of the ACT Public Health System are lived values, embraced throughout the system, integrated with strategy and constantly reflected in leadership. 
There is little doubt the vast majority of staff provide high quality health care and strive for excellence. Less embedded are the values of collaboration, integrity and respect. A program based on the Vanderbilt University Medical Center (United States) is proposed for adoption as a matter of priority throughout Calvary Public Hospital, Canberra Health Services and the Health Directorate. The program is designed to build a culture of safety and quality in the workplace by training and thus empowering staff to better support each other and raise concerns early. All evaluations of that program demonstrate its effectiveness. Programs adopting Vanderbilt principles are being implemented at present in an expanding number of health service organisations across Australia. These include the St Vincent’s Health Australia Ethos Program, and the Cognitive Institute Speaking Up for Safety and Promoting Professional Accountability programs. 
The Reviewers believe implementation of such a program would greatly benefit the ACT Public Health System in addressing issues related to poor behaviour, bullying and harassment. Developing, valuing and sustaining strong partnerships and relationships is an important mechanism to strengthen the culture within the ACT Public Health System. Internally, strengthened relationships are needed between Clinical Divisions in Canberra Health Services, between the acute and community health sectors, and between Canberra Health Services and Calvary Public Hospital. 
Externally, improved relationships with NGOs, universities, and other health sectors such as NSW Health are needed. Such improved relationships will not only contribute to improved coordinated care and enable a better research and learning system but, importantly, will help strengthen culture by breaking down the relative isolation of the ACT Public Health System. Commendable work is progressing in some of these areas with internal and external relationship building underway. Examples externally include the recent research summit with the university sector and, internally, the realignment and improved cohesiveness of the clinical divisional structures in Canberra Health Services. 
A necessary prerequisite to good clinical governance in any health system is clinical engagement. A number of very dedicated clinicians, including medical clinicians have fully engaged with this Review, even though some expressed reservations regarding the Review’s impact. However, it was apparent that, unlike nurses and allied health workers, the significant majority of the medical workforce did not engage. This was indicative to the Reviewers that such disengagement was symptomatic of their general disengagement from the management of ACT public hospitals and health services. 
Clinicians who are disengaged usually continue to provide high quality care to their individual patients which is why the hospitals in the ACT still achieve good clinical outcomes. However, such disengagement means that the health system does not benefit from the knowledge and input of individual clinicians who provide little consistent input to opportunities to improve the quality of care across the system. In such a disengaged system, clinicians continue to carry out their duties, putting their patients first, as is appropriate. Despite the positive feedback they receive from their patients and recognising at an individual patient level the outcomes they achieve, disengaged clinicians are often cynical, distrustful of the system, lack pride in their organisation, and are unhappy in the workplace. 
A critical success factor to improving the ACT Public Health System workplace culture is to enhance clinical, in particular medical, engagement within the health system. The onus to engage should be equally recognised by both individual clinicians and the system in which they work. Enhanced clinical engagement contributing to improved clinical governance is proposed. It is also proposed that, in line with many other health services across Australia, the divisional structure in Canberra Health Services should progressively adopt Clinical Divisional Directors with Business Manager support. Submissions from both individuals and organisations to the Review highlighted the inadequacy of the HR practices across all levels of the ACT Public Health System, particularly around HR systems and the local implementation of policies and procedures.  
Consistently raised themes include, inappropriate recruitment practices, lack of “customer” focus by HR staff, opaque, often heavy-handed processes of complaints handling, a perception of insufficient and uncoordinated training programs and general inefficiencies and duplication of HR processes and practices. A number of recommendations follow, which address these issues. At the time of preparing this Interim Report, a number of initiatives were underway designed to improve staff welfare. For example, the Ministers for Health and Wellbeing and Mental Health in mid-December 2018 announced the Nurses and Midwives: Towards a Safer Culture – the First Step – Strategy,  to support the fundamental rights of nurses and midwives to be safe and protected in the workplace. Similarly, the new CEO of Canberra Health Services advised the Reviewers of strategies she is implementing in such areas as: • reducing occupational violence • establishing an employee advocate role, and • facilitating targeted workshops for teams and departments with recognised disharmony and poor culture. 
All these initiatives are strongly supported by the Reviewers. However, it needs to be emphasised that the level of dissatisfaction and distrust is high and effecting the necessary improvements will be a long process that will require sustained attention. The Reviewers acknowledge the challenges in resetting the culture of a complex, multifaceted system like the ACT. Writing this report is the easy phase. For this Review to fully realise its intent and deliver the desired outcomes there will need to be a focus on developing a sustained, transparent and measurable approach for monitoring implementation. 
An Implementation Committee is proposed, chaired by the Minister for Health and Wellbeing including as members; the Minister for Mental Health, the Director-General (ACT Health), the CEO (Canberra Health Services), the General Manager (Calvary Public Hospital), Health Care Consumers Association of the ACT, relevant unions, Australian Medical Association (AMA), Australian Nursing and Midwifery Foundation (ANMF) and relevant Colleges. The Implementation Committee should auspice an independent annual external review, with similar methodology to this Review, which measures the extent of success of the implementation of the recommendations and the consequent impact on cultural change within the ACT Public Health System.
Recommendations are as follows
Recommendation 1: That the three arms of the ACT Public Health System should commence a comprehensive process to re-engage with staff in ensuring the vision and values are lived, embraced at all levels, integrated with strategy and constantly reflected in leadership. To achieve this the Health Directorate should take the lead in providing the necessary tools and guidelines and coordinate the implementation by Canberra Health Services, Calvary Public Hospital and the Health Directorate. 
Recommendation 2: That the Health Directorate, in conjunction with Canberra Health Service and Calvary Public Hospital develop an appropriate suite of measures that: • reflect on elements of a great health service - both culture and strategy • monitor patient/client perspectives of outcomes/experience • engage clinicians in their development, and • measure and monitor progress in clinical engagement. 
Recommendation 3: That a program designed to promote a healthier culture to reduce inappropriate workplace behaviour and bullying and harassment be implemented across the ACT Public Health System. The model adopted should be based on the Vanderbilt University Medical Centre’s Patient Advocacy Reporting System (PARS) and Co-worker Observation Reporting System (CORS). 
Recommendation 4: The Health Directorate convene a summit of senior clinicians and administrators at both Canberra Health Services and Calvary Public Hospital to map a plan of improved clinical services coordination and collaboration. 
Recommendation 5: The CEO of Canberra Health Services should review mechanisms to better integrate clinical streams of the community health services within the Clinical Divisional Structures. 
Recommendation 6: That the Health Directorate re-establish open lines of communication with the NGO sector and other external stakeholders. 
Recommendation 7: The initiatives already underway to develop a valued and more coordinated research strategy in partnership with the academic sector and others is strongly supported. This provides a mechanism to address culture, encourage professional development, education, training, research and other strategic issues. 
Recommendation 8: That discussions occur between ACT and NSW with a view to developing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) for improved collaboration between the two health services for joint Ministerial consideration. 
Recommendation 9: Clinical engagement throughout the ACT Public Health System, particularly by the medical profession, needs to be significantly improved. Agreed measures of monitoring such improvement needs to be developed through consensus by both clinicians and executives. Such measures should include participation in safety, quality and improvement meetings, reviews and other initiatives. 
Recommendation 10: There should be a clear requirement for senior clinicians to collaboratively participate in clinical governance activities. 
Recommendation 11: Canberra Health Services and Calvary Public Hospital should assess the appropriateness of the Choosing Wisely initiative as a mechanism for improving safety and quality of care, developing improved clinical engagement and greater involvement in clinical governance. 
Recommendation 12: That Canberra Health Services adopt the progressive evolution of clinically qualified Divisional Directors across each clinical Division with Business Manager support and earned autonomy in financial and personnel management. 
Recommendation 13: That an executive leadership and mentoring program be introduced across the ACT Public Health System specifically designed to develop current and future Clinical Directors and executive leaders. This program should include both current and emerging leaders. 
Recommendation 14: The three arms of the ACT Public Health System should review their HR staffing numbers and functions in light of the concerns staff have expressed regarding timeliness and confidence in current HR procedures, and the future needs for HR, as proposed in this Review. 
Recommendation 15: The recruitment processes in the ACT Public Health System should follow principles outlined in the Enterprise Agreements, Public Sector Management Act 1994 and relevant standards and procedures. 
Recommendation 16: The range of training programs for staff offered by the ACT Public Health System should be reviewed with respect to their purpose, target audience, curriculum, training styles and outcomes so that they address the issues raised in this Review. 
Recommendation 17: Should the recommendations of this Review be accepted, a public commitment should be jointly made by the Ministers for Health and Wellbeing, and Mental Health, the Director-General (ACT Health), the CEO (Canberra Health Services), the General Manager (Calvary Public Hospital), Senior Executives across ACT Public Health System and key representative organisations to collectively implement the recommendations of this Review to ensure ongoing cultural improvement across the ACT Public Health System. 
Recommendation 18: A ‘Cultural Review Oversight Committee’ should be established to oversight the implementation of the Review’s recommendations. The Committee should be chaired by the Minister for Health and Wellbeing, and include the Minister for Mental Health, the Director-General (ACT Health), the CEO (Canberra Health Services), the General Manager (Calvary Public Hospital), Senior Executives across ACT Public Health System, the Health Care Consumers Association of the ACT, relevant unions, AMA, ANMF and relevant Colleges. 
Recommendation 19: That the ‘Cultural Review Oversight Committee’ auspice for the next three years, an annual, independent and external review of the extent of implementation of the recommendations of the Review and consequent impact on cultural changes within the ACT Public Health System. 
Recommendation 20: As a result of this Review, the ‘Cultural Review Oversight Committee’ should prioritise the development of a change management and communications strategy, which clearly articulates to staff, patients/clients and the community the nature of the issues to be addressed and the mechanisms for doing it.