04 August 2018

Finance Sector Fixes

Findings and Recommendations in the Productivity Commission's Competition in the Financial System report noted here are

The state of competition
Finding 2.1 KEY FEATURES OF WORKABLE COMPETITION IN THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM 
The key features of workable competition in Australia’s financial system at which we can aim, include: • a high awareness of changes in market opportunities along with low costs for consumers when switching to preferred products • active support for consumers by public advice or private advisers to conveniently make informed decisions in their best interests • an Open Banking regime that gives consumers perpetual access to their data, with the capacity to see that data safely moved from one provider to another • minimal limits to either entry by new providers or expansion or exit of existing providers, in regulated product markets (subject to other regulatory objectives such as prudential outcomes) • regulators who anticipate that financial products and the ways of delivering them will change with technology and consumer preferences, and be willing and able to change regulation as required • effective and timely scrutiny of the adverse use of market power, including as a response to regulator interventions. 
Finding 2.2 COMPETITION AND STABILITY MUST CO-EXIST 
Competition and stability are both important to the Australian financial system. Since the global financial crisis there has been a focus on requiring prudentially regulated institutions to be unquestionably strong. It is important to ensure that the essential role of competition in economic growth is not eroded by having stability as the default regulatory position, to the exclusion of competition. Competition can support stability, checking irresponsible behaviour of providers and improving outcomes for consumers, and must be allowed to flourish. 
Finding 3.1 STATE OF COMPETITION IN THE BANKING SYSTEM 
Price competition in the banking system is limited. Although institutions claim that they compete in loan markets by discounting, such behaviour is not indicative of a competitive market when price obfuscation is common and discounts are specific to groups of customers. Competition on product features and service is more evident. But the large number of marginally different products appears more reflective of a capacity for price discrimination than of competition. 
Finding 3.2 THE STRUCTURE OF THE BANKING SYSTEM 
Australia’s banking sector is an established oligopoly with a long tail of smaller providers. The four major banks as a group hold substantial market power, as a result of their size, strong brands and broad geographical reach. This is substantially supported by regulatory settings, which contribute to the major banks’ structural advantages. As a result, the major banks have the ability to pass on cost increases and set prices that maintain high levels of profitability — with minimal loss of market share. The smaller banks and non-bank financial institutions typically follow the pricing trend set by the major banks, and are not a significant competitive constraint on the major banks’ market power. Adding cost to the larger banks without altering their market power does not lift competition, harms consumers and is counter productive. Policy measures aimed at addressing either conflicts of interest or regulatory interventions that disregard competition, can mitigate adverse outcomes for consumers even if the current industry structure remains largely intact. 
Finding 6.1 BETTER RATINGS AND COST OF FUNDS FOR ‘TOO BIG TO FAIL’ BANKS 
The major banks in Australia benefit from a ‘too big to fail’ status reflecting an expectation of government intervention if one or more of these banks were in financial difficulties. This status lowers the cost of funds for these banks. By incorporating perceived government support in their relative ratings of Australia’s banks, rating agencies further embed the major banks’ ‘too big to fail’ status. 
Finding 8.1 COST OF FUNDS FOR DIFFERENT SIZE BANKS 
Larger banks benefit from lower costs of funding, compared with smaller institutions. Size, scope and incumbency have enabled them to increase their share of the deposit market, retain better access to offshore funding markets and raise funds at relatively cheaper rates due to their higher credit ratings, which in part reflect an expectation of government support. Risk weights determined by the prudential framework have a substantial impact on the cost of funds. The major banks have invested in approved internal risk management models, gaining a further cost advantage from being allowed to use risk weights that are generally lower than APRA’s standard requirements. Cost interventions (such as changes to risk weights) have been presented as targeting both stability and competition. While such interventions may have achieved stability objectives, they have had adverse consequences for competition. Interventions that raise the cost of funds for larger institutions to offset their cost advantages do not improve competition and will harm consumers. 
Finding 8.2 NEW WAREHOUSING RULES COSTLY FOR NON-ADIS 
Prudential regulations (Prudential Standard APS 120) affecting warehousing activities (temporary lines of credit provided by larger banks to other lenders) that came into effect on 1 January 2018 take a one-size-fits-all approach to risk ratings for smaller authorised deposit-taking institutions (ADIs) and non-ADIs. These have increased the costs of warehousing and reduced the competitiveness of those (generally small) institutions that rely on warehouse funding. 
Recommendation 8.1 COMPETITION IMPACTS OF APS120 SHOULD BE ASSESSED 
Consistent with recommendation 19.3, APRA should conduct a post-implementation review on how the changes in Prudential Standard APS 120 have affected the costs of funds and competitiveness of non-authorised deposit-taking institutions. 
 New entrants in banking 
Finding 4.1 A CONSOLIDATION IN BANKING There has been substantial consolidation in Australia’s banking system. From 2005 to 2017, the number of organisations with a banking licence fell by almost 40%. This was largely a result of mergers between institutions, rather than exits. 
Finding 4.2 FOREIGN BANKS TEND TO OPERATE IN SELECT MARKETS 
Foreign banks have shown that they are willing to enter Australia’s banking system — between 2007 and 2018, the vast majority of new entrants to the banking system were foreign bank branches. The regulatory framework incentivises foreign banks to enter and compete in the wholesale banking sector, rather than compete for household deposits. While they are important to innovation and to price competition in certain market segments, foreign banks remain focused on specific market segments and are not likely to prove a competitive threat in the broader retail banking sector. 
Finding 4.3 MOST FINTECHS ARE FOCUSING ON LESS REGULATED SERVICES 
Australia’s fintech sector has grown substantially in recent years and offers a range of financial services. However, few fintechs consider themselves to be challenger banks. The vast majority are focused on providing services in areas of the financial system with less onerous prudential regulation, such as small scale funds management and lending, and payments systems. Global technology companies, said to be the potential disruptors, are yet to make a mark in banking and the broader financial system in Australia. 
FINDING 4.4 FINTECH COLLABORATION AND COMPETITION 
Fintechs are not, on present indications, likely to have the kind of competitive disruptive effect that would alter the market power of major banks in the foreseeable future. In the long term, lowering barriers to entry and growth, including greater access to consumer data, may lead fintechs to favour competition against incumbents over collaboration. We must look further afield for substantial offsets to current market power. 
Recommendation 4.1 EXPANDING ASIC’S REGULATORY SANDBOX 
The Australian Government, in consultation with ASIC, should expand the scope of products eligible for testing under ASIC’s regulatory sandbox, beyond the proposed enhanced regulatory sandbox, to include prudentially regulated fintechs that want to hold household deposits and issue or provide other financial products or services. At the same time, ASIC should take a more hands on approach to approving and supporting fintechs in testing their products or services, particularly to help with judgments on whether and how products may harm consumers. ASIC should also consider requests from existing institutions to access the sandbox on a case-by-case basis. An ongoing program of regulatory improvement in support of the sandbox should be a standing item for the Commonwealth Treasury’s legislative program. 
The role of integration 
Finding 9.1 COMPETITION ISSUES NOT CLEARLY CAUSED BY INTEGRATION The Productivity Commission has not found any competition issues in either mortgage or wealth management markets that are clearly associated with integration. Where poor consumer outcomes arise in these markets, these outcomes may be compounded at times by integration, but are more likely associated with poor transparency and adverse remuneration incentives that arise even absent integration. 
Finding 9.2 FORCED SEPARATION IS NOT A PANACEA 
Forced structural separation is not likely to prove an effective regulatory response to competition concerns in the financial system, specifically not in either home loan or wealth management markets. 
Recommendation 9.1 UNDERSTANDING THE EFFECTS OF INTEGRATION 
The ACCC should undertake 5-yearly market studies on the effect of vertical and horizontal integration on competition in the financial system. The first of these studies should commence in 2019 and include establishing a robust evidence base of integration activity in the financial system. 
 Consumers 
Finding 5.1 CONSUMERS’ CAPACITY TO PUT COMPETITIVE PRESSURE ON PROVIDERS IS OFTEN LIMITED 
For many financial products, consumer responses to variations in price and service are limited. Consumers lack meaningful transparent information and face switching barriers; and they perceive insufficient ongoing difference between providers and product offerings to make the process worthwhile. 
Finding 5.2 VARYING PRODUCT USAGE RATHER THAN PRODUCT HOLDINGS 
Multiple account holdings (such as transaction accounts and credit cards) allow consumers to change their product usage but not switch their product holdings. Whether this translates to demand-side pressure depends on the extent to which financial service providers are responsive to the volume of business that they receive, or just the number of customer accounts that they have. Where multiple products that are very similar can be held at a relatively low cost, a switching (of product holdings) and the long history of reforms aimed at this, become less important as policy objectives. 
Finding 5.3 MARKET SEGMENTATION CURTAILS CONSUMER COMPETITIVE PRESSURE 
Financial service providers are able to selectively offer products, prices or terms to different customers, using the information they have about individual consumers. This curtails the ability for an active subset of consumers to drive increased competition in the broader market. 
Recommendation 5.1 DATA ACCESS TO ENABLE CONSUMER CHOICE The Open Banking system proposed for Australia should be implemented in a manner that enables the full suite of rights for consumers to access and use digital data (as set out in the Productivity Commission Inquiry report, Data Availability and Use). 
 Mortgage brokers and home loan markets
Finding 11.1 BROKERS ARE NOT CONSISTENTLY FINDING LOWER INTEREST RATES FOR CONSUMERS While many consumers believe that mortgage brokers can secure them a lower interest rate, interest rates on home loans obtained through brokers are not significantly different to those obtained directly from lenders. 
Finding 11.2 BROKERS ARE A COST–EFFECTIVE WAY TO DISTRIBUTE HOME LOANS FOR LENDERS WITHOUT WIDESPREAD BRANCH NETWORKS For smaller lenders without national branch networks, brokers tend to be a more cost effective distribution channel than branches, since branches involve a significant investment. Competition is thus assisted by the presence of brokers. Larger lenders with established branch networks generally find brokers less cost effective than existing branches. 
Finding 11.3 TRAIL COMMISSIONS ARE NOT CONSISTENT WITH BORROWERS’ INTERESTS There is little if any evidence to substantiate the claim that trail commissions are a payment for the ongoing provision of services to borrowers. In practice, trail commissions have the effect of aligning the broker’s interests with those of the lender, rather than those of the borrower. 
Recommendation 11.1 BROKER REPORTING THAT ACCORDS WITH IT BEING THE DOMINANT HOME LOAN DISTRIBUTION CHANNEL 
As part of the process of issuing credit licences, ASIC should provide clear definitions for, and collect information from licensees about whether they operate as mortgage aggregators, mortgage broker businesses or individual mortgage brokers. This information should be collected in a way that can be reliably used for analyses of the mortgage broking industry. Aggregators should be required to report to ASIC annually on the number of individual brokers operating under them, whether as credit representatives of the aggregator, credit representatives of another credit licensee, credit licence holders or direct employees of a broker business. 
Recommendation 11.2 REFORMING MORTGAGE BROKER COMMISSION STRUCTURES 
An enforceable Code applying to all mortgage lenders should be created and imposed by ASIC, to implement the following reforms to broker remuneration structures: • ban the payment of trail commissions in mortgage broking for all loans originated after end 2018 • require upfront commissions to aggregators and brokers to be paid based on the funds limit drawn down by customers, net of offset, instead of the limit of the loan facility • ban the payment of volume-based commissions, campaign based commissions and volume-based payments • limit to two years the period over which commissions can be clawed back from aggregators and brokers. 
Recommendation 11.3 REFORMING COMMISSION CLAWBACK ARRANGEMENTS 
The Australian Government should extend the ban on early exit fees to explicitly prohibit commission clawbacks being passed on to borrowers. ASIC’s powers should be expanded to allow it to enforce the ban. 
Recommendation 11.4 BEST INTEREST OBLIGATION FOR CREDIT LICENSEES THAT FACILITATE HOME LOANS 
The Australian Government should amend the National Consumer Credit Protection Act 2009 (Cth) to impose best interest obligations on licensees that provide credit or credit services in relation to home loans. These best interest obligations should comprise: • a duty to act in the best interest of the client • a requirement that any resulting recommendations must be appropriate to the client, having regard to the duty to act in the best interest of the client • a duty to prioritise the interests of the client, in the event of a conflict • a duty to ensure that certain information is disclosed to the client. Where the lenders have an ownership interest in firms that provide the credit assistance services, those lenders should also have a legal responsibility to ensure that the licensee discharges its best interest obligations. 
Recommendation 9.2 A PRINCIPAL INTEGRITY OFFICER 
The Australian Government should mandate the appointment of a Principal Integrity Officer (PIO) in parent financial entities — authorised deposit-taking institutions in the first instance, but with potential extension to other Australian Credit Licensees and Australian Financial Service Licensees. The PIO should have independent status within the entity and would have a direct reporting line to its board. Once created, the position must not be vacant for more than a minimal period defined in legislation. The PIO should have a statutory duty to advise the entity’s board on performance related to remuneration and practices that may be inconsistent with serving a customer’s best interests, including breaches of commission or other remuneration benchmarks and regulations. The PIO should also review internal business practices as they develop over time that may be inconsistent with the entity’s obligation to act in the customer’s best interests. The PIO would be required to report independently to ASIC on unsatisfactory responses to its reports, including persistent failure of its board to observe standards supporting consumer best interest obligations. The PIO should be protected from adverse action by statute where they do so report. Details of the PIO, related legislative changes and penalties, should be determined through a consultation process starting by end-2018. 
Recommendation 12.1 INTEREST RATE TRANSPARENCY FOR HOME LOANS 
APRA should continuously collect data from mortgage lenders (authorised deposit-taking institutions (ADIs) only) on interest rates of new residential home loans by borrower and loan characteristics. Consideration should be given to adding non-ADIs to the data set, once the collection process from ADIs has become streamlined. Using this data, ASIC should develop an online calculator that reports, with an elapsed time of no more than 6 weeks, median interest rates for loans issued according to different combinations of loan and borrower characteristics. The underlying data should be published in a way that is accessible to third parties such as web application developers. At a minimum, data should be published in a machine readable format. 
Recommendation 13.1 LENDERS MORTGAGE INSURERS SHOULD DISCLOSE INFORMATION ABOUT PAYMENTS TO LENDERS 
APRA should update its disclosure requirements for lenders mortgage insurers to require them to disclose the amount and purpose of all payments made to lenders. 
Recommendation 13.2 OFFERING BORROWERS MORE CHOICE FOR LENDERS MORTGAGE INSURANCE 
ASIC should require all lenders to provide those borrowers that are levied with lenders mortgage insurance (LMI) with the option of being levied once at the commencement of their home loan (whether paid as a lump sum or as deferred payments) or being levied annually over the first 6 years of their loan, with transparency around the comparison of these options. Where LMI is levied at the commencement of the home loan, all lenders should be required to set a schedule of refunds on the cost of LMI when borrowers choose to refinance or pay out their loan within 6 years of the loan being originated. The refund schedule should be made available to the borrower before any fee or charge is levied.
 General insurance
Finding 14.1 MARKET POWER IN GENERAL INSURANCE PROVISION 
General insurance markets are concentrated. In the home insurance, domestic motor insurance, travel insurance, lenders mortgage insurance and reinsurance markets, the largest four firms (which are not always the same four) hold market shares in excess of 70%. This concentration has increased slightly in recent years, mostly as a result of consolidation activity. The domestic motor insurance, travel insurance, lenders mortgage insurance and reinsurance markets are particularly concentrated, and while the domestic home insurance market is less concentrated, the two largest firms still account for more than half the market. But because many insurers supply their products under multiple brands, consumers may see more an illusion of robust competition than a reality. 
Recommendation 14.1 COMPARATIVE PRICING INFORMATION ON INSURANCE RENEWAL NOTICES 
Renewal notices for general insurance products should transparently include the previous year’s premium and the percentage change to the new premium. This policy should commence by the end of 2019 and be enforced by ASIC. 
Recommendation 14.2 TRANSPARENCY ON INSURANCE UNDERWRITING 
In addition to specifying which insurer underwrites their products, each insurance brand should specify on their website any other brands that are underwritten by the same insurer, for that particular form of insurance. Insurers should provide an up-to-date list of the brands they underwrite to ASIC. ASIC should transparently publish this information as a list on its website. 
Recommendation 14.3 PHASE OUT DISTORTIONARY INSURANCE TAXES 
Consistent with the Productivity Commission’s 2014 Natural Disaster Funding Inquiry (recommendation 4.8), state and territory taxes and levies on general insurance should be phased out. 
Recommendation 15.1 DEFERRED SALES MODEL FOR ADD-ON INSURANCE 
ASIC should proceed as soon as possible with its proposal to mandate a deferred sales model for all sales of add on insurance by car dealerships. The deferral period should be a minimum of 7 days from when the consumer applies for or purchases the primary product. Following implementation, the Australian Government should establish a Treasury-led working group with the objective of comprehensively extending the deferred sales model to all other add on insurance products, with the model set in legislation and ASIC empowered to offer exceptions on a case-by-case basis. 
Recommendation 15.2 REVIEW OF NCCP ACT EXEMPTIONS 
The Treasury should complete its 2013 review into the current exemption of retailers from the National Consumer Credit Protection Act 2009 (Cth), with a view to removing or reforming the exemption. The report should be made publicly available on completion.
 Financial advice
Recommendation 10.1 ASIC TO ASSESS A NEW LICENCE TO ALLOW FINANCIAL ADVISERS TO ADVISE ON HOME LOANS 
ASIC should assess the feasibility of financial advisers providing advice on home loans and other credit products, via a new Australian Financial Services Licence that would not require a separate Australian Credit Licence to be obtained. This assessment should examine the costs and benefits of a new licence, the consequences of various remuneration models and the applicability of a Principal Integrity Officer. 
Recommendation 10.2 RENAME GENERAL ADVICE TO IMPROVE CONSUMER UNDERSTANDING 
General advice, as defined in the Corporations Act 2001 (Cth), is a misleading term and should be renamed. Any replacement must ensure that the term ‘advice’ can only be used in association with ‘personal advice’ — that is, advice that takes into consideration personal circumstances. Consumer testing of alternative terminology is required to ensure that misinterpretation and excessive reliance on this type of information is minimised. Including time for consumer testing and a transition period to enable industry training and adjustment, a new term should be in effect by mid 2020. 
Recommendation 10.3 GREATER TRANSPARENCY OF PRODUCTS ON THE APPROVED PRODUCT LIST 
Australian Financial Service Licensees should disclose to ASIC (for each broad class of financial product): • the number of products on their approved product list (APL) • the proportion of in-house products on their APL • the proportion of products recommended that are in-house • the proportion of products recommended that are off-APL ASIC should publish this information annually. ASIC should also conduct selected audits of the information received to facilitate assessment of the effectiveness of advisers in meeting clients’ best interests. 
 Payments system
Recommendation 17.1 BAN CARD INTERCHANGE FEES 
The Payments System Board should introduce a ban on card payment interchange fees by the end of 2019. Any other fees should be made transparent and published. 
Recommendation 17.2 ANALYSIS AND ASSESSMENT OF THREE-PARTY SCHEMES 
The ACCC, with input from the Payments System Board, should investigate: • whether current or recommended interchange fee regulation favours three party card schemes and, if such a distortion exists, whether it is significant enough to require further regulatory intervention; and • if further regulatory intervention is desirable, the nature of such intervention, including, but not limited to, the possibility of regulating merchant service fees as an adjunct to the interchange fee ban. This investigation should be completed by no later than mid 2019. 
Recommendation 17.3 MERCHANT CHOICE ROUTING FOR DUAL-NETWORK CARDS 
The Payments System Board should set a regulatory standard that gives merchants the ability to choose the default network to route transactions for dual network cards. As the technology is readily available, this reform should be in force by 1 January 2019 at the latest. 
Recommendation 17.4 REVIEW TRANSPARENCY OF FEES ON FOREIGN TRANSACTIONS 
By end 2019, the ACCC, in consultation with ASIC, should investigate what additional disclosure methods could be used to improve consumer understanding and comparison of fees for foreign transactions levied by authorised deposit-taking institutions and other payment providers. This should include determining the feasibility of using benchmark exchange rates to improve transparency of international money transfers, as well as measures to improve transparency for fees on overseas purchases. 
Recommendation 17.5 REVIEW REGULATION OF PURCHASED PAYMENT FACILITIES 
The Council of Financial Regulators should review the current regulation of Purchased Payment Facilities (PPFs). The review should develop an approach to simplify the regime, develop clear thresholds for regulatory responsibility and reduce barriers to growth in this sector. The review should consult on and design a tiered regulatory structure for PPFs, including one tier that does not attract prudential regulation. The review should be completed by end 2018 at the latest and provide a path forward for regulators by mid 2019. 
Recommendation 17.6 UPDATING AND MANDATING THE EPAYMENTS CODE 
The Australian Government should give ASIC the power, by end 2018, to make the ePayments Code mandatory for any organisation that sends or receives electronic payments. ASIC should review the ePayments Code and update it to reflect changes in technology, innovative business models and developments in Open Banking. ASIC should more clearly define the liability provisions for unauthorised transactions when third parties are involved, including participation in financial dispute resolution schemes. ASIC should update the ePayments Code by end 2019 and commit to 3 yearly reviews. 
Recommendation 17.7 ACCESS REGIME FOR THE NEW PAYMENTS PLATFORM 
As a significant piece of national infrastructure for which the competition benefits hinge on widespread access of both financial system providers and consumers, the New Payments Platform (NPP) should be subject to an access regime imposed by the Payments System Board (PSB). As part of the regime, the PSB should: • allow specialist payment providers that hold an Exchange Settlement Account to connect to the NPP without the need to be an authorised deposit taking institution • review the fees set by NPP institutions and transaction fees set by New Payments Platform Australia Limited • require all NPP institutions that use an overlay service to share de identified transaction level data with the overlay service provider. The PSB should consult the ACCC on the final design of the data sharing obligations, having regard to impending Open Banking reforms. 
Recommendation 17.8 IMPROVING FUNCTIONALITY OF THE NEW PAYMENTS PLATFORM 
The ACCC, in consultation with the Payments System Board, should investigate different ways that New Payments Platform Australia Limited and its participating financial institutions can improve the functionality of the New Payments Platform (NPP) to promote competition within the NPP and across the payments system more broadly. This includes investigating the feasibility of additional functionality for PayID to give customers the ability to both send and receive recurring bank transfers, direct debits and card payments. The investigation should be completed by mid 2019, with a view to implementing additional functionality by end 2019. 
 Regulators 
Finding 6.2 THE FOUR PILLARS POLICY IS REDUNDANT 
The Four Pillars policy is a redundant convention. There are sufficient provisions within the Competition and Consumer Act 2010 (Cth), the Banking Act 1959 (Cth) and the Financial Sector (Shareholdings) Act 1998 (Cth) that give the government or the designated regulators power to intervene to ensure competition, prudential outcomes and the broader public interest are protected. There is no evidence that the Four Pillars policy has enhanced competition; and far more reasons to conclude that it may have dissuaded it by embedding a fixed market structure. 
Recommendation  18.1 STATEMENTS OF EXPECTATIONS FOR REGULATORS 
Updated Statements of Expectations for regulators, as agreed in the response by the Australian Government to the Murray Financial System Inquiry, should be published as a matter of priority. They should be written in clear language and updated at regular intervals thereafter. Regulators should publish Statements of Intent within three months of receiving the Statements of Expectations. In their annual reports, the financial regulators should provide information on the actions they have taken in line with their Statements of Intent and outcomes on performance measures. 
Recommendation  18.2 ASIC To Publish Data  
The financial regulators already collect large amounts of data, which is a valuable public resource. Subject to privacy requirements, much more such data should be made publicly available. As a first step towards improving the availability of data, ASIC should publish a list of the datasets collected and used in its research projects and reports and release any non-sensitive datasets. 
Finding 7.1 COST OF APRA INTERVENTIONS IN THE HOME LOAN MARKET 
APRA’s actions to slow interest-only lending on residential property in early 2017 resulted in banks imposing higher interest rates on both new and existing residential investment loans, despite the regulatory objective being to slow only new lending. This led to a windfall gain for the banking sector. Up to half of this gain is in effect being paid for by taxpayers, as interest on investment loans is tax deductible. The Commission estimates that the cost borne by taxpayers as a result of APRA’s intervention was up to $500 million a year, depending on various tax permutations. Competition between lenders was restricted, and there was limited competitive variation in lenders’ responses to the regulatory intervention. 
Finding 18.1 APRA NOT WELL PLACED TO CONSIDER COMPETITION EFFECTS 
APRA is not well placed to balance the cost to competitive behaviour in its regulatory actions. Although the legislation that requires APRA to give weight to competition is valuable, its remit quite reasonably must favour system stability — even where its actions could impose a significant cost to competition. The capacity to generate timely and trusted debate among relevant regulators on the question of whether the public interest is served by restricting competition is a desirable addition to the regulatory structure. This is particularly the case given our finding that key financial markets are characterised by large institutions that hold substantial market power. The Council of Financial Regulators is a valuable forum with the scope and leadership in which to deliver this debate. In the absence of such a debate, consideration of competitive effects will inevitably continue to be subordinate to stability. 
Recommendation 19.1 COMPETITION CHAMPION FOR THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM 
To address gaps in the regulatory architecture related to lack of effective consideration of competitive outcomes in financial markets, the ACCC should be given a mandate by the Australian Government to champion competition in the financial system, including in decisions taken by regulators that have or may have the outcome of restricting competition. To minimise cost and disruption, this role should be implemented in substantial part through the Council of Financial Regulators (CFR) by making the ACCC a permanent member of the CFR. There should be no change under this recommendation to the current legislated responsibilities of the regulators. Rather, the Australian Government should include in its Statement of Expectations for each of the financial regulator members of the CFR that the ACCC should be given the opportunity as a member of the CFR to advise the Council on regulator actions that may have material effects on competition, before they are implemented. The functions of the ACCC within the CFR would be: • preparing transparent analysis of competition impacts of material market interventions by financial market regulators • publishing a bi-annual financial system competition report which would be the competition equivalent of the RBA’s Financial Stability Review. 
Recommendation 19.2 TRANSPARENCY OF REGULATORY DECISION MAKING 
The Council of Financial Regulators (CFR) should apply the ACCC analysis in a discussion amongst members on interventions that may have a material impact on competition in a product market. The ACCC assessment of competition impacts should be published in a simple form and timely manner as part of a new commitment to publish Minutes of CFR meetings. 
Recommendation  19.3 ROBUST AND TRANSPARENT ANALYSIS OF MACROPRUDENTIAL POLICIES 
APRA should conduct and publish annually quantitative post-implementation evaluations of its material prudential interventions, including costs and benefits to market participants and the effects on competition. 
Recommendation  16.1 STANDARDISED RISK WEIGHTINGS FOR SMALL BUSINESS LENDING 
Instead of applying a single risk weight to all small and medium business lending not secured by a residence, APRA should provide for a broader schedule of risk weights in its Australian Prudential Standard (APS 112). It should take into account the different risk profile and the type of lending (such as the value of the loans made to an individual business and alternative forms of loan security including commercial property and differing loan to value ratios on this security) to better reflect the Basel Committee’s standardised risk weightings. In light of apparent major improvements in the collection and use of data (including via the New Payments Platform), APRA should also consider proposals by authorised deposit-taking institutions (ADIs) for variations from the standardised risk assessment for small and medium enterprise lending, based on the ADI improving its data and risk management systems. International best practice should be closely considered as APRA reviews proposals from ADIs.

Australian Financial System Competition

The Productivity Commission report on Competition in the Australian Financial System, released yesterday, unsurprisingly notes ongoing dominance by the leading institutions and questions about performance, consistent with testimony to the Hayne Royal Commission noted here and here.

The Productivity Commission's lapidary comment is
Prices are not transparent and product choice is often vague or overwhelming. Regulation is dense and it may act against customers’ interests. Those who advise and assist customers face conflicting, unclear incentives. In brief, we find that households and businesses may be paying, through unnecessary fees and low-value products, for a system that is exposed to use of entrenched market power.
The report states
High market concentration does not necessarily indicate that competition is weak, that community outcomes will be poor or that structural change is required. Rather, it is the way market participants gain, maintain and use their market power that may lead to poor consumer outcomes. 
Indeed, the Commission has concluded that changes to the structure of Australia’s financial markets are not very prospective as a means for improving market outcomes. Too many regulatory imposts — most readily displayed by persistent attachment to the Four Pillars policy — act against that. 
Nor are forced divestitures likely to improve competition. Instead, they risk creating unviable businesses that are ‘unscrambled’ from existing businesses as regulators are never able to check that the parent entity has relinquished control of the key customer information, intellectual property, technology and staff that are needed to make the separated entity competitive. 
Rather, reforms that alter incentives of Australia’s banks, brokers, insurers, and advisers, aimed directly at bolstering consumer power in markets, and reforms to the governance of the financial system, should be the prime focus of policy action. 
The major banks’ market power is a defining feature of the financial system 
While some of the major banks argued that they do not, individually, exercise market power, they have been able to insulate themselves from competition and sustain returns despite the massive system-wide shock of the global financial crisis. There is evidence that they have sustained prices above competitive levels, offered inferior quality products to some groups of customers (particularly those customers unlikely to change providers), subsumed much of the broker industry and taken action that would inhibit the expansion of smaller competitors in some markets. 
All are indicators of the use of market power to the detriment of consumers.
Key points are -
• The Australian economy has generally benefited from having a financial system that is strong, innovative and profitable. 
• There have been past periods of strong price competition, for example when the advent of mortgage brokers upset industry pricing cohesion. And technological innovation has given consumers speed and convenience in many financial services, and a range of other non-price benefits. 
• But the larger financial institutions, particularly but not only in banking, have the ability to exercise market power over their competitors and consumers.
– Many of the highly profitable financial institutions have achieved that state with persistently opaque pricing; conflicted advice and remuneration arrangements; layers of public policy and regulatory requirements that support larger incumbents; and a lack of easily accessible information, inducing unaware customers to maintain loyalty to unsuitable products. 
• Poor advice and complex information supports persistent attachment to high margin products that boost institutional profits, with product features that may well be of no benefit.
– What often is passed off as competition is more accurately described as persistent marketing and brand activity designed to promote a blizzard of barely differentiated products and ‘white labels’. 
• For this situation to persist as it has over a decade, channels for the provision of information and advice (including regulator information flow, adviser effort and broker activity) must be failing. 
• In home loan markets, the mortgage brokers who once revitalised price competition and revolutionised product delivery have become part of the banking establishment. Fees and trail commissions have no evident link to customer best interests. Conflicts of interest created by ownership are obvious but unaddressed. 
• Trail commissions should be banned and clawback of commissions from brokers restricted. All brokers, advisers and lender employees who deliver home loans to customers should have a clear legally-backed best interest obligation to their clients. 
• Complementing this obligation, and recognising that reward structures may still at times conflict with customer best interest, all banks should appoint a Principal Integrity Officer (PIO) obliged by law to report directly to their board on the alignment of any payments made by the institution with the new customer best interest duty. The PIO would also have an obligation to report independently to ASIC in instances in which its board is not responsive. 
• In general insurance, there is a proliferation of brands but far fewer actual insurers, poor quality information provided to consumers, and sharp practices adopted by some sellers of add on insurance products. A Treasury working group should examine the introduction of a deferred sales model to all sales of add-on insurance. 
• Australia’s payment system is at a crucial turning point. Merchants should be given the capacity to select the default route that is to be used for payments by dual network cards — as is already possible in a number of other countries. The New Payments Platform requires a formal access regime. This is an opportunity — before incumbency becomes cemented — to set up regulatory arrangements that will support substantial competition in services that all Australians use every day. 
• More nuance in the design of APRA’s prudential measures — both in risk weightings and in directions to authorised deposit-taking institutions — is essential to lessen market power and address an imbalance that has emerged in lending between businesses and housing. 
• Given the size and importance of Australia’s financial system, and the increasing emphasis on stability since the global financial crisis, the lack of an advocate for competition when financial system regulatory interventions are being determined is a mistake that should now be corrected. The ACCC should be tasked with promoting competition inside regulator forums, to ensure the interests of consumers and costs imposed on them are being considered.

Copyright Infringement

The 84 page IVIR Global Online Piracy Study report by Martin van der Ende, Joost Poort, Anastasia Yagafarova, João Pedro Quintais and M Hageraats
deals with the acquisition and consumption of music, films, series, books and games through the various legal and illegal channels that exist nowadays, in a set of 13 countries in Europe (France, Germany, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, Sweden), the Americas (Brazil, Canada) and Asia (Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, Thailand). The illegal channels studied are downloading and streaming from illegal sources (including via dedicated technical devices), and streamripping.
The authors comment 
The purposes are (i) to provide factual information about the state of authorised and unauthorised acquisition and consumption of content; (ii) to assess the underlying motives and mechanisms and the link with enforcement measures and legal supply; (iii) to assess the effect of online piracy on consumption from legal sources. At the core of the study is a consumer survey among nearly 35,000 respondents, including over 7,000 minors, in 13 countries. 
Legal analysis
Comparative legal research was performed on the basis of questionnaires on the legal status of online copyright infringement and enforcement, completed by legal experts in the 13 countries studied. It was found that, despite some legal uncertainty, the majority of acts studied are qualified as direct copyright infringement by users or give rise to liability for intermediaries. Moreover, ISPs are often subject to injunctions and duties of care even when they benefit from safe harbours. On the whole, copyright holders have a vast arsenal of legal enforcement measures to deploy against end users and ISPs. There is a trend in many countries toward copyright enforcement through civil or administrative measures aimed at blocking websites that provide access to infringing content. Notices to infringers and to platforms hosting or linking to infringing content with the aim of removing/blocking such content are likewise regularly used, the latter in the context of notice-and-takedown systems. Criminal measures are less popular. Still, despite the abundance of enforcement measures, their perceived effectiveness is uncertain. Therefore, it is questionable whether the answer to successfully tackling online copyright infringement lies in additional rights or enforcement measures, especially if these will not lead to additional revenue for copyright holders and risk coming into conflict with fundamental rights of users and intermediaries. Instead, it might be sensible to search for the answer to piracy elsewhere – in the provision of affordable and convenient legal access to copyright-protected content. 
Growing markets 
Sales data for music, film and video, books and games reveal that across all content types and formats, per capita income appears to be an important driver of expenditures. However, above an annual income level of € 30,000 per capita, this relationship no longer seems to apply and national preferences dominate income effects. Zooming in, it is clear that physical sales are in continuous decline for almost every content type and in almost every country. Despite the decline in physical sales, the increase in digital sales led to net growth for total recorded music, audio-visual content, books and games between 2014 and 2017. Expenditures on live concerts and cinema visits are growing. 
Survey outcomes 
The percentage of the Internet population consuming content from legal sources varies between 61% in France and 93% in Indonesia. In most European countries, this percentage decreased somewhat between 2014 and 2017 – primarily due to a decrease for physical carriers – while total legal consumption volumes grew. Consuming content from illegal sources – online piracy – is most prevalent in the Internet populations of Indonesia, Thailand and Brazil, followed by Spain and Poland. As a percentage of total population, Spain, Canada and Hong Kong are the top three countries for piracy, while piracy is the least common in Germany, Japan and Indonesia, the last due to low Internet penetration. Between 2014 and 2017, the number of pirates decreased in all European countries except Germany. 
The per capita consumption volumes per legal and illegal content channel that follow from the survey do not always match these developments: for most countries and content types, an increase in the per capita volume of illegal content consumed is observed, despite a decreasing proportion of the population engaging in online piracy. This implies that the issue of piracy is gradually becoming confined to a smaller group: fewer people consume more on aggregate via illegal channels. It might be tempting to argue that an increase in the use of certain enforcement measures against obviously illegal platforms has contributed to the decreasing number of pirates in Europe. However, a lack of evidence concerning the effectiveness of most enforcement measures and the strong link between piracy and the availability and affordability of content suggests otherwise: at a country level, online piracy correlates remarkably strongly with a lack of purchasing power. Higher per capita income coincides with a lower number of pirates per legal users. 
Moreover, pirates and legal users are largely the same people: demographically, pirates resemble legal users quite closely, although on average they tend to be somewhat younger and more often male. More importantly, for each content type and country, 95% or more of pirates also consume content legally and their median legal consumption is typically twice that of non-pirating legal users. 
Displacement of legal sales 
This study confirms earlier studies in finding statistical evidence that illegal consumption of music, books and games displaces legal consumption. However, the displacement coefficients are surrounded with substantial uncertainty. Separating these results between minors and adults suggests that displacement occurs for adults and not for minors. 
The results for music indicate that illegal consumption primarily displaces legal downloads and physical carriers. The effect on streaming is not statistically significant. For live concerts and music festivals, a positive sampling effect is found. For audio-visual content, no such sampling seems to occur for the cinema, which suffers from statistically significant displacement, as do digital streams. No significant effects are found for physical purchases and digital downloads. For rentals, a marginally significant positive coefficient is found. For books, the results are contrary to those for music and audio-visual in the sense that large and statistically significant displacement rates are found for books bought in print and borrowed from the library. These displacement rates may be overstated by people who have shifted from consuming print books to digital and others who have not. For games, the effect found for free games is particularly high, but the coefficients found for the other channels are also statistically significant. Just like for books, the large coefficient for free games may be overstated. 
Using time-structured data for blockbuster films, an average displacement rate was found of –0.46 of first legal views by first illegal views. This effect is smaller in Japan and the Netherlands and larger in Thailand and Brazil. The largest effect occurs on cinema visits. From these estimations, it is possible to calculate an upper bound for the relative sales loss of total film views per channel and per country. Overall, a maximum of about 4.1% of all legal blockbuster views is displaced by illegal views. 
An analysis of individual changes in consumption for respondents in six EU countries between 2014 and 2017 reveals significantly positive correlations. Apparently, substitution effects – ‘Shall I buy or shall I pirate?’ – occur on the spot. Over a longer time span, improvements in the availability from legal channels are dominant and changes in personal preferences affect legal and illegal consumption alike.

Critical International Legal Theory

'Critical International Legal Theory' by Fleur E Johns in Jeffrey L Dunoff and Mark A Pollack (eds), International Legal Theory: Foundations and Frontiers (Cambridge University Press, 2019) comments 
 This chapter presents an account of three phases of writing and practice in critical international legal theory, after first identifying some braided historico-political fuel lines for these cycles of work. These phases correspond to successive periods of revisionism: a pre-1989 reckoning (dating from the mid-late 1970s) with the non-materialization of the promises of socialist revolution and the disappointments of the cosmopolitan, decolonization, and development projects; a 1989 to 1999 reckoning with the apparent triumph of liberalism/neo-liberalism and the Washington Consensus; and a current phase, dating from approximately the turn of the millennium, of reckoning with the post-Washington Consensus, the renewed spread of authoritarian nationalism/nativism, and the prevalence of casualization and automation. In each of these, critical international legal theory has been marked by certain persistent commitments and proclivities which this chapter will briefly examine, before speculating about some possible galvanizing themes of international legal work in this vein in the future.

Trade Secrets and Privacy

'The Privacy Hierarchy: Trade Secret and Fourth Amendment Expectations' by Matthew B. Kugler in (2018) Iowa Law Review (Forthcoming) comments 
 This Article examines public expectations of privacy in trade secret and the Fourth Amendment. Using an original, nationally representative survey of over a thousand respondents, we identify two privacy hierarchies. The first hierarchy is between domains: the public believes that surveillance conducted by commercial entities for competitive advantage is a greater violation of privacy than the same surveillance conducted by law enforcement without a warrant for criminal investigations. The second hierarchy involves types of surveillance: the same searches are rated as large (or small) privacy violations regardless of whether they are performed by law enforcement or a private company. 
From these empirical findings and an analysis of prior doctrine, we argue that Fourth Amendment restrictions on police surveillance should be viewed as a “floor” for trade secret restrictions on commercial surveillance. This approach reverses the relationship between public and private surveillance recently advocated by several prominent scholars and by Justice Gorsuch in his dissent in Carpenter v. United States, yet is consistent with longstanding trade secret doctrine. We argue further that this position provides practical benefits and is normatively justifiable given the differing objectives of trade secret and the Fourth Amendment. Practically, our framework provides guidance to courts that wish to draw upon the larger and more thorough case law of the Fourth Amendment when addressing issues that are novel to trade secret. Normatively, there is less public interest in exposing the trade secrets of companies than there is in investigating crimes. As a result, we believe there should be greater privacy protection in trade secret.

Ordinary Robots

Having encountered a succession of incisive studies such as Christopher Browning's Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (Oxford University Press, 1992) and Stefan Kühl's Ordinary Organizations: Why Normal Men Carried Out the Holocaust (Polity Press, 2016) I'm a bit underwhelmed by some of the enthusiasm with which uncritical readers are greeting 'Do a robot’s social skills and its objection discourage interactants from switching the robot off?' by Aike C Horstmann, Nikolai Bock, Eva Linhuber, Jessica M Szczuka, Carolin Straßmann and Nicole C Krämer in 2018 PLOS One.

The authors comment 
Building on the notion that people respond to media as if they were real, switching off a robot which exhibits lifelike behavior implies an interesting situation. In an experimental lab study with a 2x2 between-subjects-design (N = 85), people were given the choice to switch off a robot with which they had just interacted. The style of the interaction was either social (mimicking human behavior) or functional (displaying machinelike behavior). Additionally, the robot either voiced an objection against being switched off or it remained silent. Results show that participants rather let the robot stay switched on when the robot objected. After the functional interaction, people evaluated the robot as less likeable, which in turn led to a reduced stress experience after the switching off situation. Furthermore, individuals hesitated longest when they had experienced a functional interaction in combination with an objecting robot. This unexpected result might be due to the fact that the impression people had formed based on the task-focused behavior of the robot conflicted with the emotional nature of the objection.
It is useful to remember thsat social context matters, that a hesitation is not identical with an ultimate refusal, and that humans have on occasion been quite enthusiastic about either killing other human animals themselves or delegating that 'switching off' to their peers.