'How Trade Deals Extend the Frontiers of International Patent Law' (CIGI Papers No. 199 — November 2018) by
Jean-Frédéric Morin and Dimitri Thériault for the Centre for International Governance Innovation
comments
Bilateral and regional trade deals frequently
include patent provisions that go beyond the
minimum requirement of the multilateral
Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual
Property Rights (TRIPS). They extend the scope
of patentability and provide additional rights to
patent holders. This paper systematically maps
these “TRIPS-plus” agreements. Exploiting a new
data set, 52 TRIPS-plus agreements are found to
have been concluded between 1990 and 2017. The
major proponents of these TRIPS-plus agreements
on patents are the United States, followed by the
European Union and the European Free Trade
Association. Other technology-rich countries, such
as Japan and Korea, have surprisingly few TRIPSplus
provisions on patent protection in their trade
agreements. Few South-South trade agreements
include TRIPS-plus provisions, but some include
TRIPS-extra provisions on genetic resources and
traditional knowledge. Having a clear picture
of these TRIPS-plus agreements is essential as
they can have important social and economic
consequences, including for the development
of innovations and access to technologies.
The authors note
This paper is one of the first attempts to
systematically map key patent provisions
in bilateral and regional preferential trade
agreements (PTAs). Some of these provisions
have important policy implications, including
for the development of innovations and access
to technologies. This paper shows their historical
evolution and their geographical distribution.
The available literature has already reported that
some PTAs offer a level of patent protection that
goes beyond the minimum requirements of TRIPS. However, several questions still need more research
and analysis. In particular, the number and scope
of TRIPS-plus agreements are uncertain. It is also
unclear if their conclusion is more frequent today
than it was a decade ago. As well, the practices
of several countries remain undocumented,
beyond some well-known advocates and
opponents of TRIPS-plus agreements.
This paper fills these gaps by relying on a recent
data set of TRIPS-plus agreements (the T+TPA
data set) introduced by Jean-Frédéric Morin
and Jenny Surbeck. This data set is based on
an exhaustive collection of more than 600 PTAs
concluded between 1947 and 2017. Among these
PTAs, Morin and Surbeck identified 52 PTAs with
significant TRIPS-plus provisions on patents.
The rest of this paper is divided into seven short
sections. The first section describes the current
state of multilateral negotiations over patent law.
The second section describes eight categories of
TRIPS-plus provisions on patents, while the third
section presents their development over time.
The next section identifies the key role played by
the United States and by European countries in
promoting TRIPS-plus agreements. The fifth section
assesses the PTAs involving other technology-rich
countries. The sixth section considers developing
countries and their role in the diffusion of TRIPSplus
provisions on patents. The last section focuses
on provisions that are of particular interest for developing countries. The conclusion identifies
directions for future policy-oriented research.
They conclude
The proliferation of TRIPS-plus and TRIPS-extra
provisions in PTAs requires further research.
At least three main areas of research would
have clear added value for policy making.
The first involves exploring the domestic
consequences of TRIPS-plus provisions on patent
protection. As yet, it is unclear how far these
commitments reflect pre-existing legal standards
or whether they require domestic reforms. In
the latter case, it would be interesting to study
if and how the reforms are being implemented.
Developing countries that are compelled to
implement TRIPS-plus obligations might take
advantage of these legal reforms to include new
exceptions and exclusions in their domestic
legislation. Case studies might also be useful for
investigating the social and economic consequences
of implementing TRIPS-plus provisions.
A second stream of research concerns the global
and strategic consequences of TRIPS-plus
provisions. These consequences would include
processes such as regulatory competition across
countries with different standards, norm diffusion
driven by the desire to level the playing field
and the reverberation from bilateral initiative
to multilateral negotiations. The existing
literature also tends to portray developed and
developing countries as antagonistic actors in
international patent law making. It is time to
debunk this apparent oversimplification. The
pro-patent posture of some developing countries,
the nuanced policy of some high-income countries and the rise of emerging countries
raise new questions that should be explored.
A third avenue for future research concerns
the potential alternative to existing TRIPS-plus
provisions on patents. The current debate on
international patent protection has focused on
the flexibilities already provided in the TRIPS
Agreement and on TRIPS-plus provisions. However,
the example of TRIPS-extra provisions on TK
and GRs shows that trade negotiators have the
capacity to be creative and think outside the
TRIPS box. Nothing precludes trade negotiators
from addressing issues such as licensing pools,
open science and scientific collaboration in their
future PTAs. Provisions on these issues might
actually do more for technological innovation
than TRIPS-plus provisions on patents.